Marx and Engels

Featured Image: Marx and Engels in England

An earlier piece on Engels appears on the website here https://historybynicklin.com/engels/ If an item here is then corroborated by one of the texts in the Marx bibliography, it is referenced thus: (15E,16)

Marx Karl Heinrich (1,4) Marx was a German (1,2) philosopher, (2,3) economist, historian, sociologist, political theorist, (1,4) political economist, author (7) journalist, socialist (1,4) and revolutionary (1,3) activist. (4,5)

Family background & childhood

Karl was born on 5th May (3,4) 1818. (2,3) His father was Heinrich (7,8) [OR] Hirschel (10) [OR] Herschel (18) [OR] Neinrich (14) Marx (7,8) (1777–1838) (18) and his mother was Henrietta (7,8) [OR] Henriette (18) Marx (8,14) née (16) Pressberg (7,10) (1788–1863). (18) He was born (1,3) at Brückengasse 664 (18) in Trier, (1,3) an ancient city then part of the Kingdom of Prussia’s Province of the Lower Rhine (18) [OR] in the Rhineland (6,12) in western (3) Germany, (1,2) which had recently been under French rule, (12) but was at that time part of Prussia. (6,7) When his brother Moritz died in 1819, (18) Karl, (8,9) the third of (18) nine children (8,9) became (8,9) the oldest surviving boy (16,18) The family occupied two rooms on the ground floor and three on the first floor. (18) Purchased by the Social Democratic Party of Germany in 1928, the house now houses a museum devoted to him. (18) Little is known of Marx’s childhood. (18) Amongst his earliest friends and playmates were Jenny — afterwards his wife — and Edgar von Westphalen. (17) From their father, the Baron von Westphalen — himself half a Scot — Karl Marx imbibed his first love for the “Romantic” School, and while his father read him Voltaire and Racine, Westphalen read him Homer and Shakespere [1]. (17) These always remained his favourite writers. (17) He was educated at home (7,8) by his father (7,18) until 1830 (18) when he was 12. (8)

Engels

Childhood

Friedrich (2,6) [OR] Frederick (4) Engels was born (1,2) a year and a half after Marx, (2,E1) on 28th November (2,12) 1820 (1,2) in Barmen, (2,5) an industrial hub (13) in Rhine province (12) in the Kingdom of (2,15) Prussia (2,12) which is now (9,13) a part of Wuppertal in North Rhine-Westphalia, (16) Germany. (6,9) His family was wealthy. (8,9) His father (2,7) also called Friedrich (9,13) was an industrialist (2,7) who owned a (2,7) large (2,17) textile (2,9) factory in Barmen, Prussia, (2,12) now Wuppertal, Germany (17) and was also a partner in (12) [OR] an owner of (17) a cotton plant in (12) Manchester (2,7) [OR] Salford, England. (2,17) His mother was Elisabeth (9,13) “Elise” (17) Franziska Mauritia von Haar, (13,17) (1797–1873). (17) Friedrich was the oldest (7,9) of their eight children. (13) He became “an illustrious (12) German (1,2) socialist (1,3) political (3,5) philosopher, (2,3) historian, (2,17) communist, (2,5) social scientist, (2,5) author (3,5) political economist (7) sociologist, (2,17) journalist and businessman.” (2,9)

Marx Ethnicity and Religion

Marx was ethnically Jewish. (18) His parents were Jewish, and (7,8) he came from a long line of (3,7) distinguished (12) rabbis on both sides of his family. (3,7) His mother was (16) a Dutch Jewish (18) descendant of Hungarian Jews, who in the seventeenth century settled in (17) Holland. (16,17) His maternal grandfather was a Dutch rabbi. (18) Her family ran a prosperous business that later founded the Philips Electronics company [2]. (18) His father’s family had supplied Trier’s rabbis since 1723, a role taken by his grandfather Meier Halevi Marx. (18) Marx’s father (3,5), as a child known as Herschel, was the first in the family to receive a secular education. (18) He was (3,5) a man of great talent, (17) and in 1815, he began working as an attorney. (18) In 1819 he moved his family to a ten-room property near the Porta Nigra. (18) He became a successful (3,8) lawyer (3,5) with liberal views. (6,8) He had a comfortably upper middle class income as a lawyer, and the family owned a number of Moselle vineyards, in addition to his income. (18) This provided the family with a fairly typical (14) middle-class existence. (14,18) Largely non-religious, Heinrich was a classical liberal man of the Enlightenment. (18) He revered French eighteenth-century ideas of religion, science, and art (17) and thinkers like (8,16) Immanuel (18) Kant and Voltaire, and was a (8,16) passionate (8) activist for Prussian reform. (8,16) He was interested in the ideas of the philosophers Kant and Voltaire. (18) He took part in agitation for a constitution and reforms in Prussia, which was then an absolute monarchy. (18)

Marx Family conversion from Judaism

Antisemitism had been unleashed in Prussia, by its new king, who had been granted the lands of the North Rhine after the defeat of Napoleon. (10) In 1815 (8) he made a law banning Jews (8,18) from high society (8) thus abrogating Jewish emancipation which had previously existed in the Rhineland,. (18) and it became necessary for Heinrich to convert if he was to continue his legal career. (12) So, prior to Karl’s birth, (7,16) [OR] in 1824 (10,11) at the age of 35, (8) his father had left Judaism and converted to Christianity. (6,7) He was baptized (8,16) in the Evangelical Established Church (16) as a (6,7) Lutheran (7,8) [OR] Lutherian (14) Protestant (6,7) Christian (7,8) for social (6) [OR] business (14,16) reasons (6,14) [OR] to evade the antisemitism. (7,8) [OR] He was baptized a Lutheran, (8,18) into the state Evangelical Church of Prussia, (18) rather than a Catholic, which was the predominant faith in Trier, because he “equated Protestantism with intellectual freedom.” (8) Herschel took on the German forename ‘Heinrich’ over the Yiddish ‘Herschel’. (18) Karl was therefore not religiously Jewish: (18) and when he was 6, Karl, too, was baptized as a Christian (8,16) along with the other surviving siblings, (8,18) Sophie, Hermann, Henriette, Louise, Emilie, and Caroline, in August 1824, (18) but his mother waited until 1825, (8,18) after her father died. (8)

Marx at School 1830-35

In the years 1833 [OR] 1830 to 1835, (8,16) he was at high school. (7,8) This was the Friedrich-Wilhelm (8) Lyceum (10) [OR] Gymnasium in Trier (5,8) run by Jesuits. (8,10) Its headmaster, Hugo Wyttenbach, (18) was a friend of his father. (8,18) The school’s principal, a friend of Marx’s father, was a liberal and a Kantian and was respected by the people of the Rhineland. (8) Karl received a classical education, (15) being influenced less by religion than by the critical, sometimes radical social policies of (16) the Enlightenment. (5,16) His Jewish background exposed him to prejudice and discrimination that may have led him to question the role of religion in society and contributed to his desire for social change. (16) He was at once much loved and feared by his school-fellows — loved because he was always in mischief, and feared because of his readiness in writing satirical verse and lampooning his enemies. (17) Wyttenbach (16) was suspected of harbouring liberal teachers and pupils’ (8,16) This incurred the anger of the local conservative government, (18) which placed it under police surveillance. (8,16) Police raided the school in 1832 (8,18) and discovered that literature espousing political liberalism was being distributed among the students. (18) Considering the distribution of such material a seditious act, the authorities instituted reforms and replaced several staff during Marx’s attendance. (18) Karl Marx passed through the usual school routine, (17) as an average student (8,11) [OR] achieved excellent qualifications, with the exception of religion. (10)

Engels’ adolescence and education 1831-38

He was considered to be a brilliant mind, quick and sharp in his judgement. (13) In spite of these talents he did not complete his secondary education. (12,13) His parents expected that he would follow his father into a career in the family business. (17) He did not want to join the company and would have preferred to continue in education a little longer, but his parents (15) [OR] his father (17) forced him to (15,17) leave school at 17. (13,15) in 1837. (13) [OR] he left because of family problems. (13) Engels became a (15,17) mercantile (17) apprentice in the family firm. (15,17) His commercial career (12,13) prevented him going to university. (12) Despite this he acquired knowledge about natural sciences, physics, botany, chemistry and biology. (13) He was a polyglot and was able to (13,17) write (17) and speak (13,17) or, as he put it “stutter” (17) many languages, such as English, Russian, French, Italian, Portuguese, Irish (13,17) Gaelic (13), Spanish, Polish and Milanese dialect. (13,17)

Robert Heilbroner described him as “tall and fair and rather elegant, he had the figure of a man who liked to fence and to ride to hounds and who had once swum the Weser River four times without a break.” as well as having been “gifted with a quick wit and facile mind” and of a gay temperament.”. (17) In 1840 he wrote, “To get the most out of life you must be active, you must live and you must have the courage to taste the thrill of being young … (17) He had a great enjoyment of wine and other “bourgeois pleasures”. (17) His interests were poetry, fox-hunting and Sunday parties. (13,17) His personal motto was ‘take it easy’, and ‘jollity’ was considered to be his most favourite virtue. (13,17)

Engels’ Apprenticeship in Bremen 1838

After a year in Barmen, (17) in 1838, (12,13) he was sent by his father to undertake an apprenticeship at a commercial house in Bremen. (17) He appeased his father (12,13) by accepting work as a nonsalaried office clerk (13) [OR] an apprentice (15) at a commercial house (13) involved in exporting (12,15) in Bremen. (13,15) Despite coming from the moneyed class that was benefitting from industrialisation (15) Friedrich (3,5) Engels had a revolutionary spirit, (15) and he began to exhibit radical philosophies from a very young age (12) While in Bremen, (13,15) [OR] Upon settling in Berlin, (12) Engels began reading many philosophical books. (13,15) He read the banned work of many authors like Ludwig Borne, Karl Gutzkow, Heinrich Heine and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. (12,13) Throughout his lifetime, Engels would point out that he was indebted to German philosophy because of its effect on his intellectual development. (16,17) Of all the authors, Hegel inspired Engels the most. (12,13) His teachings dominated German philosophy at that time. (17) He started writing newspaper articles (12,13) on philosophy and economics. (12) He was moved by the plight of the working poor as a result of industrialisation. (13,15) his articles mainly spoke about the problems relating to unemployment and bad living conditions of factory workers. (13) He wrote under the pseudonym of Friedrich Oswald, (12,13) because his confrontational writings might have caused problems for his (13,15) Pietistic (13) family. (13,15) In September, 1838, he wrote a poem ‘The Bedouin’ which was his first published work in Bremisches Conversationsblatt No. 40. (13,17) [OR] He published his articles in Rheinische Zeitung whose editor was Karl Marx. (13,15) One of his most notable works was The Philosophy of Right (1821), in which he describes the importance of the state in allowing individuals to exercise free will. (15) Hegel said that real change could only come through conflict. (15) Engels published countless articles and more than dozen books in his lifetime. (13)

Marx at University 1835-41

Bonn 1835

After the gymnasium, (5,8) in October of (8,10) 1835 (7,8) at the age of 17, (7,18) he enrolled (7) in the law faculty (14) at Bonn, (2,5) University (1,2) in Germany. (7) He wanted to study humanities, (10) including philosophy (1,2) literature (7,18) and history. (2,17) [OR] but in fact studied law (1,2) at his father’s request, (7,17) [OR] insistence (18) The university had a lively and rebellious culture, and (8) In his year (7) [OR] two (5,8) brief (5,6) semesters there, (5,8) Marx enthusiastically took part in student life. (8) While at the University at Bonn (2,18) his life was particularly hectic and excessive: (8,10) he belonged to a group of poets (6,10) called the Poets’ Club (18) which participated in politics (6,10) and was monitored by the police. (18) He also joined the Trier Tavern Club drinking society (German: Landsmannschaft der Treveraner) where many ideas were discussed and at one point he served as the club’s co-president. (18) He incurred debts (8) and was involved in certain disputes, some of which became serious. (18) He was taken to jail for disorderly conduct, because of incidents generated in a state of inebriation. (8,10) In August 1836 (18) he participated in a duel (8,18) with a member of the university’s Borussian Korps. (18) Although his grades in the first term had been good, they soon deteriorated, (18) and the end of the year, (8,16) his father insisted (8,18) that he enrol in the (7,8) more serious (8,18) and academic (18) University of Berlin, (2,5) Due to a condition referred to as a “weak chest”, which may have been pneumonia or pleurisy, Marx was excused from Prussian military service when he turned 18. (18)

Berlin 1836

He left Bonn and in October (16,18) 1836 (7,16) enrolled at the University of Berlin (16,18) to study theology (6) [OR] matriculating in the university’s faculty of law, (18) to continue to (5,6) study law, (5,6) and philosophy (6,8) [OR] law, while majoring in history and philosophy. (11) He rented a room in the Mittelstrasse. (18)

Hegelianism

German Universities (particularly the Berlin University) at that time were under the heavy influence of the German philosopher (14,16) Georg Wilhelm Friedrich (18) Hegel (14,16) and the “Young Hegelians”. (14) Hegel had been a professor at Berlin (8) until his death (8,10) several years before (10) in 1831. (8) His ideas were then being widely debated among European philosophical circles. (18) During the first term, Marx attended lectures of Eduard Gans (who represented the progressive Hegelian standpoint, elaborated on rational development in history by emphasising particularly its libertarian aspects, and the importance of social question) and of Karl von Savigny (who represented the Historical School of Law). (18) Although studying law, he was fascinated by philosophy and looked for a way to combine the two, believing that “without philosophy nothing could be accomplished”. (18) He took his law degree from Berlin University in 18364 (14) but his preoccupation with philosophy soon turned him away from law. (15)

Young Hegelians: the ‘Doctor Club’

Marx soon felt at home (7) [OR] fell sick. (17) In 1837, during a convalescence5 in Stralau, (18) he joined the Doctor (6,10) [OR] Doctor’s (18) Club (6,10) a radical group (7,11) of students including Arnold Ruge (11) who gathered around Ludwig (8,11) Feuerbach, (3,8) and the chief figure (16) Bruno Bauer (8,11) a theology professor (1) [OR] a young lecturer in theology. (16) He was developing the idea that the Christian Gospels were a record not of history but of human fantasies arising from emotional needs and that Jesus had not been a historical person. (16) Marx enrolled in a course of lectures given by Bauer on the prophet Isaiah. (16) Bauer taught that a new social catastrophe “more tremendous” than that of the advent of Christianity was in the making. (16) Marx developed a particularly close friendship with a (16,18) “most intimate friend” (16) Adolf Rutenberg, (16,18) an older journalist who had served a prison sentence for his political radicalism. (16) Through them he became involved with (18) a group of radical thinkers known as the Young Hegelians (6,8) in 1837. (18) Young Hegelians were critical of Hegel’s metaphysical assumptions, (16) but were followers of Hegel, (10,14) in that they adopted his dialectical method to criticise established society, politics and religion from a leftist perspective. (18) They were intensely involved in the new literary and philosophical movement. (16) These ‘Young’ (6,8) [OR] ‘Left’ (11) Hegelians’ (6,8) were brilliant and extreme thinkers, (7) who challenged existing institutions and ideas, (7,8) including religion, (7,11) philosophy, ethics, and politics. (7) They derived atheistic and revolutionary ideas from Hegel’s philosophy, and practised [6] ‘philosophical’ (11) [OR] ‘German’ (10) idealism’. (10,11)

Hegel’s influence on Marx

Hegel had considerable effects on Karl Marx’s life. (10,18) Being introduced to the ideas of (3,6) Hegel, (3,6) was Marx’s crucial experience at Berlin. (16) The Hegelian pressure in the revolutionary student culture was powerful. (16) Marx recognized that he lacked a solid philosophical training7 in property, which motivated him to study Hegel. (10) He recognized that “the enemy (sc. philosophy) fascinated him”, a definitive step to (10) philosophical studies. (10,15) He would later adapt Hegelian ideas for his teaching on historical materialism. (6,18) Marx’s view of history, which came to be called historical materialism (controversially adapted as the philosophy of dialectical materialism by Engels and Lenin), certainly shows the influence of Hegel’s claim that one should view reality (and history) dialectically. (18) However, he was not initially enamoured with Hegel, (8,10) and, like the Young Hegelians themselves, (16) felt a deep antipathy for (10,14) the abstractness of (14,16) his ideas. (19,14), He described his “intense vexation at having to make an idol of a view I detested.” (16) Hegel had thought in idealist terms, putting ideas in the forefront, whereas Marx sought to rewrite dialectics in materialist terms, arguing for the primacy of matter over idea. (18) Where Hegel saw the “spirit” as driving history, Marx saw this as an unnecessary mystification, obscuring the reality of humanity and its physical actions shaping the world. (18) He wrote that Hegelianism stood the movement of reality on its head, and that one needed to set it upon its feet. (18) Marx’s thoughts on labour were related to the primacy he gave to the economic relation in determining the society’s past, present and future (see also economic determinism). (18) Accumulation of capital shapes the social system. (18) For Marx, social change was about conflict between opposing interests, driven in the background by economic forces. (18) This became the inspiration for the body of works known as the conflict theory. (18) In his evolutionary model of history, he argued that human history began with free, productive and creative work that was over time coerced and dehumanised, a trend most apparent under capitalism. (18) Marx noted that this was not an intentional process, rather no individual or even state can go against the forces of economy. (18) The organisation of society depends on means of production. (18) The means of production are all things required to produce material goods, such as land, natural resources, and technology but not human labour. (18) The relations of production are the social relationships people enter into as they acquire and use the means of production. (18) Together, these compose the mode of production and Marx distinguished historical eras in terms of modes of production. (18) Marx differentiated between base and superstructure, where the base (or substructure) is the economic system and superstructure is the cultural and political system. (18) Marx regarded this mismatch between economic base and social superstructure as a major source of social disruption and conflict. (18) Though inspired by French socialist and sociological thought, (18) Marx criticised utopian socialists (14,18) for their ‘naive8 dreaming’. (14) of Utopian communists, (14) and socialists (6) who9 were urging what he considered to be political action (14) without understanding that a real practical struggle was required for revolution, or that incremental political reforms were insufficient and potentially counterproductive. (6) He rejected “social Utopias,” small experiments in community, (16,18) as being “reactionary sects.” Which would lead to marginalisation and poverty (18) and deaden the class struggle. (16) Only a large-scale change in the economic system can bring about real change. (18) The Young Hegelians began moving rapidly toward atheism and talked vaguely of political action. (16) Marx’s friend Adolph Rutenberg, pressed for a deeper social involvement. (16) By 1837, Marx was writing both fiction and non-fiction, having completed a short novel, Scorpion and Felix, a drama, Oulanem, as well as a number of love poems dedicated to Jenny von Westphalen, though none of this early work was published during his lifetime. (18) Marx soon abandoned fiction for other pursuits, including the study of both English and Italian, art history and the translation of Latin classics. (18) Marx’s father died in May 1838, resulting in a diminished income for the family. (18) Marx had been emotionally close to his father and treasured his memory after his death. (18)

Engels Military Service in Berlin 1841-2

In 1841 (13,15) Engels (12,13) performed his military service (17) [OR] voluntarily (12,15) served (12,13) for a year, (12,15) in an artillery regiment (12,15) based in Berlin. (15) This was the Garde-Artillerie-Brigade of the Household Artillery (10) in the (12,13) Prussian (13,15) Army (12,13) He was applauded for his military prowess. (12) [OR] In a letter written to Joseph Weydemeyer on 19 June 1851 he says he was not worried about being selected for the Prussian military because of “my eye trouble, as I have now found out renders me completely unfit for active service of any sort.”

Hegel makes Engels an atheist

Engels, too, was influenced by Hegel. (12,13) While he was doing his military service in Berlin (1841-2) he attended lectures (13,15) in Berlin, (12,13) at the University (13,15) where he met a group of Young Hegelians. (13,17) Movements started to grow to give more power to ordinary people and give them the chance to improve their lot in life. (15,16) In company with Bruno Bauer and Max Stirner, Engels joined the ‘Young Hegelians’ society (12,13) and accepted the Hegelian dialect (sic – it meant ‘dialectic’!). (12) By now the Hegelians had become left republicans. (16) He was opposed to organized religion and capitalism. (13) thinking that the bourgeoisie used religion as “an opium for the people” to make workers accept their position. (14) The Young Hegelians converted the agnostic Engels into a militant atheist. (12,13) It was a conversion made easy by his radical inclinations against the foundations of Christianity (9,12) and repressive social notions. (12) It was very shocking to his devoutly Protestant family. (15,17) Tristram Hunt said: “the latent rationality of Christianity comes to permeate the everyday experience of the modern world—its values are now variously incarnated in the family, civil society, and the state”. (17) Engels embraced an idea of modern pantheism (or, rather, pandeism, a merging of divinity with progressing humanity, a happy dialectical synthesis that freed him from the fixed oppositions of the pietist ethos of devout longing and estrangement. (17) Engels wrote in one of his final letters to the soon-to-be-discarded Graebers [Wilhelm and Friedrich, priest trainees and former classmates of Engels]. (17) “Through Strauss I have now entered on the straight road to Hegelianism… (17) The Hegelian idea of God has already become mine, and thus I am joining the ranks of the ‘modern pantheists,’ (17) One of Hegel’s most notable works was The Philosophy of Right (1821), in which he described the importance of the state in allowing individuals to exercise free will. (15) The state’s values are variously incarnated in the family, civil society, and the state. (17) Engels embraced an idea of modern pantheism (or, rather, pandeism, a merging of divinity with progressing humanity, a happy dialectical synthesis that freed him from the fixed oppositions of the pietist ethos of devout longing and estrangement. (17)

Engels converted to Communism

He became a communist (12,15) in Berlin in 1842 (15) [OR] in 1843, after meeting Moses Hess (12), the Jewish French Philosopher and socialist. (13) Moses Hess convinced Engels that communism is the only logical solution to progress, (12) He advised him to go to England. (12) He believed that a communist revolution was inevitable somewhere in Europe, due to the oppressed conditions of its workers and their vast numbers; (15) class differences were becoming more and more prominent in England (12,13) where industrialisation was on the rise. (17) This gave it great potential for a communist revolution. (15) Surely if they chose to, the working class could rise up and overthrow the privileged few that currently lived off their labour? (15) Engels helped develop the foundations of the labour theory of value and exploitation of labour (9) He anonymously published articles in the Rheinische Zeitung, exposing the poor employment- and living-conditions endured by factory workers. (17) The editor of the Rheinische Zeitung was Karl Marx. (17) On his way to England (13,15) in late November 1842, Engels visited the office of the Rheinische Zeitung in Cologne and met Karl Marx for the first time. (17) They were not impressed with each other. (16,17) Marx mistakenly thought that Engels was still associated with the Berliner Young Hegelians, with whom Marx had just broken off ties. (17) [OR] Engels did not meet Marx until years later, (9) in 1844. (13,16)

Other influences on Marx’s thought

Marx’s thought demonstrates influences from many other thinkers apart from Hegel, including the classical political economy (economics) of Adam Smith and David Ricardo, as well as Jean Charles Léonard de Sismondi’s critique of laissez-faire economics and analysis of the precarious state of the proletariat. (18) He was influenced by French socialist thought, in particular the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Henri de Saint-Simon, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Charles Fourier. (18) He leaned on earlier German philosophical materialism among the Young Hegelians, particularly that of Ludwig Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer, as well as the French materialism of the late 18th century, including Diderot, Claude Adrien Helvétius and d’Holbach. (18) He adopted the working class analysis by Friedrich Engels, as well as the early descriptions of class provided by French liberals and Saint-Simonians such as François Guizot and Augustin Thierry. (18) Marx’s Judaic legacy has been identified as formative (10,18) to both his moral outlook (18) his messianic doctrine (10) and his materialist philosophy. (18) Despite his dislike of mystical terms, Marx used Gothic language in several of his works: in The Communist Manifesto he proclaims “A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of communism. (18) All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre”, and in The Capital he refers to capital as “necromancy that surrounds the products of labour”. (18) As regarded human nature, Hegel and Ludwig Feuerbach’s ideas on dialectics heavily influenced Marx like Tocqueville, who described a faceless and bureaucratic despotism with no identifiable despot. (18) Marx also broke with classical thinkers who spoke of a single tyrant and with Montesquieu, who discussed the nature of the single despot. (18) Instead, Marx set out to analyse “the despotism of capital”. (18) Fundamentally, Marx assumed that human history involves transforming human nature, which encompasses both human beings and material objects. (18) Humans recognise that they possess both actual and potential selves. (18) For both Marx and Hegel, self-development begins with an experience of internal alienation stemming from this recognition, followed by a realisation that the actual self, as a subjective agent, renders its potential counterpart an object to be apprehended. (18) Marx further argues that by moulding nature in desired ways the subject takes the object as its own and thus permits the individual to be actualised as fully human. (18) For Marx, the human nature – Gattungswesen, or species-being – exists as a function of human labour. (18) Fundamental to Marx’s idea of meaningful labour is the proposition that for a subject to come to terms with its alienated object it must first exert influence upon literal, material objects in the subject’s world. (18) Marx acknowledges that Hegel “grasps the nature of work and comprehends objective man, authentic because actual, as the result of his own work”, but characterises Hegelian self-development as unduly “spiritual” and abstract. (18) Marx thus departs from Hegel by insisting that “the fact that man is a corporeal, actual, sentient, objective being with natural capacities means that he has actual, sensuous objects for his nature as objects of his life-expression, or that he can only express his life in actual sensuous objects”. (18) Consequently, Marx revises Hegelian “work” into material “labour” and in the context of human capacity to transform nature the term “labour power”. (18)

Marx and Feuerbach

In 1841 Marx, together with other Young Hegelians, was much influenced by the publication of Das Wesen des Christentums (1841; The Essence of Christianity) by Ludwig Feuerbach. (16) Its author, to Marx’s mind, successfully criticized Hegel, an idealist who believed that matter or existence was inferior to and dependent upon mind or spirit, from the opposite, or materialist, standpoint, showing how the “Absolute Spirit” was a projection of “the real man standing on the foundation of nature.” (16) Henceforth Marx’s philosophical efforts were toward a combination of Hegel’s dialectic—the idea that all things are in a continual process of change resulting from the conflicts between their contradictory aspects—with Feuerbach’s materialism, which placed material conditions above ideas. (16) A communist revolution would inevitably occur. (18)

“The bourgeoisie produces its own grave-diggers. The fall of the bourgeoisie and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable”.

However, Marx famously asserted in the eleventh of his “Theses on Feuerbach” that “philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point however is to change it” and he clearly dedicated himself to trying to alter the world. (18)

Marx and Determinism

Marx based his arguments on study of the French (10) Revolution. (10) [OR] Industrial (9) Revolution. (9,10) [OR] on Britain’s capitalist system (9,14) of private enterprise and competition, based since the 16th century on the development of sea routes, international trade, and colonialism. (14) The resulting ‘Industrial Revolution’ had caused an (13,15) “enormous accumulation of commodities” by such means as the division of labour, the use of factories, the adoption of mechanization and other technical progress, (14) but it was unevenly distributed. (9,13) Marx identified unequal exchanges that take place in the market: a capitalist buys cotton yarn and sells the textile at a profit, which he reinvests in more production. (14) This is possible because the capitalist possesses the means of production, including the labour power of the worker. (14) It was an exploitative system that (9) benefited the owners of land, capital, and means of production more than the workforce. (9,14) Since the process of development takes place by leaps, one passes suddenly from a succession of slow quantitative changes to a radical qualitative change10. (14) “Two basic classes oppose each other in the capitalist system: the owners of the means of production, or bourgeoisie, and the workers, or proletariat. (14) Meanwhile in Manchester, (6,7)) dismayed by the conditions that workers in his family’s business were living in, Engels gathered plenty of material for a series of articles on the subject of the working class in England, (15) focusing particularly on child labour, (12,17) the despoiled environment, (17) and the lives and conditions of (12) of the overworked and impoverished labourers. (17) Between October and November (17) 1843, Engels wrote his first economic work, entitled “Outline of a Critique of Political Economy.” (13,17) Engels sent the article to Paris, (17) where it was published in 1844 by Karl Marx. (13,17) His articles began to get acclaim after (12) being published in magazines such as ‘The Northern Star’, (12,16) Robert Owen’s (16,17) ‘New Moral World’ (12,16) and the newspaper (16) [OR] magazine (12) ‘Democratic Review’. (12,16)

Doctoral Thesis

In 1841 (10,14) Marx wrote his doctoral thesis (6,10) in ancient philosophy. (12,14) It was on “The Difference between the Democritean and the Epicurean Philosophy”. (14,18) It was a dry philosophical (14) “Hegelian” analysis (10,18) [OR] “a daring and original piece of work” (18) debating the difference between (6,10) the materialism (6) [OR] natural philosophies (10,12) of Democritus (6,10) (c.460–370 BCE), (12) and Epicurus (6,10) (341–270 BCE). (12) Marx set out to show that “theology must yield to the superior wisdom of philosophy”. (18) More distinctively, it sounded a note of Promethean defiance: Philosophy makes no secret of it. (16) Prometheus’ admission: “In sooth all gods I hate,” is its own admission, its own motto against all gods, “… Prometheus is the noblest saint and martyr in the calendar of philosophy.” (16) His thesis adviser was the heterodox Hegelian Bruno Bauer, and (6) the thesis was controversial (6,18) particularly among the conservative professors (18) at the University of Berlin (6,18) for its explicit atheism and overt attacks on theology. (6) Bauer was dismissed from his post in 1839, and Marx’s studies were lagging. (16) Urged by his friends, (16) he decided to submit (6,16) [OR] was forced to submit (6) his doctoral dissertation to the university at Jena, (6,16) which was known to be more liberal (6,18) [OR] laxer in its academic requirements. (16) He began co-operating with Bruno Bauer on editing Hegel’s Philosophy of Religion in 1840. (18) As Marx and Bauer were both atheists, in March 1841 they began plans for a journal entitled Archiv des Atheismus (Atheistic Archives), but it never came to fruition. (18) In April (16,18) 1841, he received a doctorate in philosophy (3,5) from the faculty of (18) the University of Jena. (3,6) He dedicated his thesis to his future father-in-law, Ludwig von Westphalen. (8) In July, Marx and Bauer took a trip to Bonn from Berlin. (18) There they scandalised their class by getting drunk, laughing in church and galloping through the streets on donkeys. (18)

Career choices blocked

Marx was considering an academic career, (5,18) as a professor of philosophy at the University of Bonn, or to publish a journal, or study Christian art, (5) but this was hindered by the reactionary policies of the government. (5,18) expressing itself in growing opposition to classical liberalism and the Young Hegelians. (18) In spite of his doctorate his radical politics prevented him from procuring a teaching position. (8,10) Because of his association with the Hegelian (10,14) leftist (10) atheist (10,11) philosophy (10,14), which was considered dangerous by many authorities (14,16) he was unable to teach in a German University. (10,14) He thought about the miseries of the working people. (2) He wanted to fight against the unfair and unjust situation. (2) [OR] Much of Marx’s compassion for the misery of the working class came from his exposure to Engels and his ideas.” (14)

And Jenny von Westphalen

During his college years Marx wrote some fiction and poetry; a number of his love poems, written to his (6) childhood friend (6,10) [OR] sweetheart (12) and now girlfriend (6) Jenny (1,3) von Westphalen (1,4) are available to us. (6) She was four years older than Karl, (8,12) beautiful, (10,16) romantic, (10) intelligent (16) educated (7,18) and a baroness, (7,10) a member of the petty nobility. (18) She was the daughter of Privy Councillor von Westphalen in Trier, and sister (15) [OR] half-sister (16) of the von Westphalen who later became (15,16) a highly reactionary (16) Prussian Minister of the Interior). (15,16) The von Westphalens were a respected family in Trier (8,15) of military and administrative distinction. (16) It could trace its descent through the female line from the old Scottish (10) [OR] Prussian (14) noble family (10,14) of the dukes of Argyll. (10) She was, therefore, much sought-after. (8,16) Spending summer and autumn 1836 in Trier, Marx became more serious about his studies and his life, (18) and more politically zealous. (8) In the summer of (10) 1836 (8,10) he and Jenny became (7,10) engaged. (7,8) She had broken off her engagement with a young aristocrat to be with Marx, and their relationship was socially controversial owing to the differences between their religious and class origins. (18) Both families disapproved (10,14) [OR] because of the gulf in social status between them, (10) but Marx befriended her father (16,18) Ludwig von Westphalen (a liberal aristocrat (8) and a follower of the French socialist Saint-Simon. (16) The engagement was kept secret. (8,10)

Editor of Rheinische Zeitung in Cologne

In 1841, after spending five years in the “metropolis of intellectuals,” (15) he returned to Bonn intending to habilitate11. (15,17) himself as “Privat Dozent,”. (17) The death of Frederick William III in 1840, caused a new political movement (17) known as the first “New Era” was in vogue in Prussia. (15,17) The new king, Frederick William IV had declared his love of a loyal opposition, and attempts were being made in various quarters to organise one. (15) This threw Marx into another career. (17) Cologne was the centre of the most industrially advanced section of Prussia, and (16) the chiefs of the Rhenish Liberals — Kamphausen and Hansemann — had (17) newly (16) founded the Rhenish Gazette (17) [OR] Rheinische Zeitung (6,7) [OR] New Rhine Newspaper’ (5) [OR] Renana Gazette (10) [OR] Rhineland News (18) there. (15,16) It was a radical (12,18) liberal (3,7) democratic organ of a group of young merchants, bankers, and industrialists, (16) Marx and Bruno Bauer were asked to contribute to it. (11) He accepted it (17,18) In January (5,16) 1843, (5) [OR] early in (12,17) 1842, (7,8) Marx took the opportunity (5,16) and turned to writing and journalism, (3,7) to support himself, (3,7) Therewith began his long struggle with all despotisms, and with Prussian despotism in particular. (17) At the time Marx started, the paper had only 400 subscribers. (11) Within ten months, (14) His brilliant, bold (17) and sharp (10) criticism (10,17) of the provincial Landtag created such a sensation, that, though only twenty-four years old, he was offered the chief editorship of the paper. (17) after school12, (3,7) his criticism led him (10) on October (11,16) 15th (16) 1842 (11,15) to briefly (3,6) be its editor. (3,5) [OR] editor-in-chief. (11) He decided to move it from Bonn (11) to Cologne. (11,18) in 1842 (18) [OR] it was always in Cologne. (3,7)

Engels in England

Meanwhile, in 1842 (13,17) as a young man (7,8) aged 22, (9,16) Engels cajoled his father into (12) allowing him to take the opportunity to (15) take Hess’ advice (13) and move [OR] Engels’ parents happily agreed to the plan (12) to send him to go and work in England (7,8) because his father (17) [OR] his parents (13) thought that working at the Manchester firm might make his son reconsider some of his radical opinions. (13,17) [OR] he could learn the business (9,20) and to keep an eye on the other partners. (20) For his part, young Engels went because he thought that England would be a likely location for a communist revolution, (15) and he expected to be able to research his ideas at night. (15) Engels arrived in England late in (15,17) 1842. (4,6) He went to work at (9,12) a manufacturing centre (9,17) [OR] a mill (13,17) called Victoria Mill [OR] in the offices of (17) the textile firm of Ermen and Engels, (16,17) [OR] his father’s factory (7,8) [OR] one in which his father was a shareholder (16) in Weaste, (17) Salford, (15,17) Manchester, England. (7,8) It was a business which made sewing threads, (13,17) He made remarkable progress at work, using his free time to read and (12) compose articles on economic and political scenarios. (12,13) At that time, Manchester was a hotbed of radical activity, (15) and Engels enthusiastically integrated into the scene. (15,16) Class differences were becoming more and more prominent in England (12,13) giving it great potential for a communist revolution. (15) The poverty of the urban workers, (6,7) was the shameful and horrible side of British Imperialism. (13) He attended meetings of local socialists and (15) became an supporter of (6,12) English labour (12,16) and the Chartist movement, (6,12) which was campaigning for Parliament to enforce better conditions for workers. (15)

Mary Burns

Engels favoured forming romantic relationships with members of the proletariat. (17) He met and fell in love with an Irish (13,15) working (13) girl called Mary Burns, (13,15) who worked at his factory. (15) Engels and Mary never got married (13,15) but lived as husband and wife. (13) They (15,16) [OR] he (16,17) did not believe in the (15,17) current state and church-regulated (17) institution of marriage (15,17) because they thought it was unnatural and unjust, (16) and a form of class oppression. (17) Engels believed that the concept of monogamous marriage had been created from the domination of men over women, and tied this argument to communist thought by arguing that men had dominated women just as the capitalist class had dominated workers. (16) He was appalled by (8,13) the living conditions he saw on his tours with Mary Burns. (15) Dismayed by the conditions that workers in his family’s business were living in. (15) He anonymously published articles in the Rheinische Zeitung, exposing the poor employment- and living-conditions endured by factory workers. (17) The editor of the Rheinische Zeitung was Karl Marx. (3,5)

Marx’s Editorial Policy

With unprecedented daring Marx was using the Rheinische Zeitung to criticise (5,15) the Prussian King’s conservative government (5,6) [OR] the deliberations of the Rhine Province Assembly, (15) in articles which attracted great attention. (11,15) He wrote editorials on (16) a variety of social and economic issues, (16,18) ranging from the housing of the Berlin poor and the theft by peasants of wood from the forests to the new phenomenon of communism. (16) He found Hegelian idealism of little use in these matters. (16) At the same time he was becoming estranged from his Hegelian friends for whom shocking the bourgeois was a sufficient mode of social activity. (16) Marx, friendly at this time to the “liberal-minded practical men” who were “struggling step-by-step for freedom within constitutional limits,” succeeded in trebling his newspaper’s circulation: (16) it had more than 3,400 subscribers from all over Germany, (11) making it a leading journal in Prussia. (16) He called for the government’s overthrow by revolution. (5) Marx exhibited here his lifelong intellectual and political practice, called for by his theoretical conclusions with regard to the purpose of philosophy, of engaging in political disputes not necessarily to refute his opponents, but to denounce them; and to offer his own teaching, not as possibility or interpretation, but as a necessary fact obvious to anyone without ulterior motives. (6)

Censorship

Of course the paper appeared under the supervision of a censor. (17) Wilhelm Saint-Paul (15) was sent from Berlin, (15,17) especially to take care of the Rheinische Zeitung. (15) As the paper became more and more revolutionary and widely read (11,16) the poor censor found himself powerless: The Gazette invariably published all important articles, and the censor could do nothing. (17) It became such a thorn in the side of the censors that (15) [OR] the government decided to censor it. (11,15) To this stage of Marx’s life belongs an essay on the freedom of the press. (16) Since he then took for granted the existence of absolute moral standards and universal principles of ethics, he condemned censorship as a moral evil that entailed spying into people’s minds and hearts and assigned to weak and malevolent mortals powers that presupposed an omniscient mind. (16) He believed that censorship could have only evil consequences. (16) The paper was made to undergo dual censorship, since, in addition to the usual procedure, every issue was subjected to a second stage of censorship by Karl Heinrich von Gerlach in the office of Cologne’s Regierungspresident. (15) Even this double censorship proved of no avail. (15,17) After the Rheinische Zeitung published an article strongly criticising the Russian monarchy, Tsar Nicholas I requested it be banned and (18) Prussia’s government complied (15,18) in 1843. (5,8) They issued a decree declaring that the “obdurate malevolence” of (15) his attacks on the monarchy (5) [OR] his socialist writings in (8) [OR] being too outspoken (16) the Rheinische Zeitung meant that it must cease publication at the end of the first quarter. (15) One year later, (11,17) at the beginning of (5,15) [OR] in January (5) [OR] March (11) [OR] April (8,12) 1st, (8) 1843, (5,8) the ministry (15,17) [OR] the Prussian authorities (12) closed it. (5,6) Marx immediately resigned (8,15) on March 18th. (8) The shareholders wanted to attempt a settlement, but this also came to nothing and the newspaper ceased publication. (15) His criticism of the deliberations of the Rhine Province Assembly compelled Marx to study questions of material interest. (15) In pursuing that he found himself confronted with points of view which neither jurisprudence nor philosophy had taken account of. (15) Proceeding from the Hegelian philosophy of law, Marx came to the conclusion that it was not the state, which Hegel had described as the “top of the edifice,” but “civil society,” which Hegel had regarded with disdain, that was the sphere in which a key to the understanding of the process of the historical development of mankind should be looked for. (15) However, the science of civil society is political economy, and this science could not be studied in Germany, it could only be studied thoroughly in England or France. (15) Marx therefore left (7,14) [OR] was expelled from (8) Germany. (7,14)

Marriage

Three months (8) after the closing of Rheinische Zeitung, (6) he finally (1,8) after an engagement of seven years (8,10) married Jenny von Westphalen (1,3) on 19th (18) June (8,12) 1843. (1,4) in a Protestant church in Kreuznach. (18) This, along with his increasing radicalism, caused his father angst. (8) He father feared that Jenny was destined to become a sacrifice to (16) the demon that possessed his son. (8,16) In a series of letters, he expressed concerns about what he saw as his son’s “demons,” and admonished him for not taking the responsibilities of marriage seriously enough, particularly when his wife-to-be came from a higher class. (8) They had seven children, and lived together into old age. (6,12)

Paris, 1843-1845

Marx did not settle down. (8,18) He agreed to coedit (16,18) a new, (16,18) radical leftist (18) Parisian newspaper (16,18) [OR] review, (16) the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (8,11) (“German-French (16,18) Yearbooks” (16) [OR] Annals (18) then (18) [OR] In 1844 (10,11) being set up. (18) And so (18) four months after their marriage, (16) in the autumn of (8,11) 1843 (3,5) October (8,16) he and Jenny moved to Paris (3,5) Paris was the political heart of Europe in 1843, (8) a cosmopolitan city full of émigrés and radical artisans. (12) It was a hotbed of radical thought, (3,16) socialism and the more extreme sects that went under the name of communism. (16) French influences were strong in the thought of the early German Socialists. (10) Ferdinand LaSalle (1825-64) a Silesian Jew, who was eventually killed in a romantic duel after founding the first German Socialist party, spent a formative time in Paris. (10) There he expected to find a comparatively liberal atmosphere for his writing. (14) Initially living with Ruge and his wife communally at 23 Rue Vaneau, from October 1843 until January 1845, he and Jenny found the living conditions difficult, so they moved out following the birth of their daughter Jenny in 1844. (18) Marx devoted himself primarily to studying political economy and the history of the great French Revolution. (15) He began to study political economy, (6,14) and encountered two new sets of ideas: English writers on Political Economy (14) such as Adam Smith, David Ricardo, James Mill, etc.), (18) and the French socialists (14,18) (especially Claude Henri St. Simon and Charles Fourier) and the history of France. (18) He further engaged with the Young Hegelian critique of religion. (6) He discovered the conjuncture of the class struggle (bourgeoisie and nobility) and accepted the egalitarian and internationalist creed. (10) The unique way in which he combined Hegelianism, Socialism and Political Economy shaped his intellectual orientation.” (14) Indeed, his thought can be characterized very roughly as a synthesis of three themes: (6,14) French utopian (18) socialism (1,14) English (18) political economy, and the critique of religion, (6,14) (Hegel’s dialectics). (18) Marx continued his radical activity on behalf of socialism, (3,6) and became a revolutionary and a communist. (3,16) Their ideas were, in his view, “utterly crude and unintelligent,” but their character moved him: “The brotherhood of man is no mere phrase with them, but a fact of life, and the nobility of man shines upon us from their work-hardened bodies,” he wrote in his so-called “Ökonomisch-philosophische Manuskripte aus dem Jahre 1844” (written in 1844; Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 [1959]). (16) In his last months in Germany and during this Paris exile, Marx produced a series of “early writings”, (12) of which this is one. (16) Many were not intended for publication, (12) and indeed they were not published for some 100 years. (12) When they were at last published in the twentieth century, they significantly altered interpretations of his thought, (12) because they showed the humanist background to Marx’s later historical and economic theories. (16)

Franco German Annals 1844

In 1844 (10,11) Marx (8,10) [OR] the German (18) liberal Hegelian (16) [OR] socialist (6) activist (18) Arnold Ruge. (6,16) [OR] Marx and Ruge (17) founded (8,11) a radical (11) Parisian (16,18) political journal (8,11) [OR] newspaper (16,18) [OR] review, (16) titled Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (German-French Annals). (8,11) (“German-French (16,18) Yearbooks” (16) [OR] Annals (18) He and Ruge co-edited it. (8,15) It was intended to bring together German and French radicals in Paris, but although intended to attract writers from both France and the German states, the Jahrbücher was dominated by Germans and the only non-German writer was the exiled Russian anarchist collectivist Mikhail Bakunin. (18) Together with his earlier study of Hegel’s dialectics, the studying that Marx did during this time in Paris meant that all major components of “Marxism” were in place by the autumn of 1844. (18) Marx contributed two essays to the paper, “Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right” and “On the Jewish Question”, the latter introducing his belief that the proletariat were a revolutionary force and marking his embrace of communism. (18) Only one issue was published, (6,8) but it was relatively successful, largely owing to the inclusion of Heinrich Heine’s satirical odes on King Ludwig of Bavaria, leading the German states to ban it and seize imported copies. (18) Ruge remained a Young Hegelian in his belief (17) and this philosophical difference between Marx and Ruge (8) [OR] the problems in publishing such a radical paper (11) resulted in its demise (8,11) when Ruge refused to fund the publication of further issues (18) Ruge left the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher, (17) and his friendship with Marx broke down. (18) Nonetheless, following the split, Marx remained friendly enough with Ruge that he sent Ruge a warning on 15th January 1845 that the Paris police were going to execute orders against him, Marx and others at the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher requiring all to leave Paris within 24 hours. (17)

Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right:

It was (17) [OR] these were (18) the first of the long series of his socialist writings. (17,18) two of his most important works, one of which was (6,12) the article “Zur Kritik der Hegelschen Rechtsphilosophie” (16) (Contribution to the (6) [OR] Towards a (16) Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right: (6,12) [OR] ‘of Law’. (10) Hegel had described the importance of the state in allowing individuals to exercise free will. (15) He was opposed to organized religion and capitalism. (13) The bourgeoisie used religion as “an opium for the people” to make workers accept their position. (14) It contained a critical (6,12) account of religion (10,12) and contained his famous phrase “Religion is the opium of the people”. (10,16) Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. (18) Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. (18) It is the opium of the people. (18) The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. (18) To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions. (18) Whereas his Gymnasium senior thesis at the Gymnasium zu Trier argued that religion had as its primary social aim the promotion of solidarity, here Marx sees the social function of religion in terms of highlighting/preserving political and economic status quo and inequality. (18) It was in the ‘Annals’, too, that he first (16) stirred the masses by calling for the uprising of the proletariat. (10,12)

The Jewish Question

The other was ‘On the Jewish Question’. (6,12) in which he defended Jewish Emancipation against Bruno Bauer (1809–1882), but also emphasised the limitations of “political” as against “human” emancipation. [OR] began to apply the logic of Hegelian dialectic and adapt the critique of religion offered by the Young Hegelians to economic relations, providing the framework for the later, more detailed critique of political economy and for the “scientific socialism” of Das Kapital. (6)

Engels

He had been a Young Hegelian. |(16) and became a communist in Berlin in 1842 (15) [OR] in Paris in 1843, after meeting Moses Hess (12E,16), the Jewish French Philosopher and socialist (13) who was called the “communist rabbi.” (16) He was already established as a fully developed materialist and scientific socialist, independent of Marx’s philosophical development. (17) In August of (8) [OR] September (11) of 1844 (6,8) Engels (3,5) arrived in Paris. (11) The Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (8,16) brought Marx together with (8,10) the German socialist (18) Engels. (8,16) After a productive stay in England, (16) Engels had decided to return (16,17) home to Barmen (15) in Germany, (12) He intended to turn his articles into his first book, The Condition of the Working Class in England, published in Germany in 1845. (15) On the way back to Germany, Engels stopped off (15,16) in Paris, (10,12) [OR] Brussels (4,8) [OR] Manchester (13) to meet (16) [OR] where he met Karl Marx (10,12) with whom he had corresponded earlier (16,17) for the first time, (13,15) at the Café de la Régence on the Place du Palais, (16,17) August 28th, 1844 (13,16) [OR] in the office of Rheinische Zeitung (13,15) [OR contradicting itself!] ‘Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher’, (13,16) He was one of the Yearbook’s contributors, (8,16) and became Marx’s loyal friend, collaborator, and protector (10,14) He was the son of a (10,14) major German (10) textile producer, (10,14) whose industries were based in England. (10,15) In England he associated with the followers of Robert Owen. (16) Though Marx and Engels became the best friends who shared many ideas in common, there were differences between them. (14) Engels had ideas of his own, (9,10) and helped develop the foundations of the labour theory of value and exploitation of labour (9) He was more experienced and knowledgeable (13) than Marx because of his familiarity with social conditions. (12) In the course of replying to Dühring, Engels reviewed recent advances in science and mathematics, seeking to demonstrate the way in which the concepts of dialectics applied to natural phenomena. (17) Many of these ideas were later developed in the unfinished work, Dialectics of Nature. (17) One of the best selling socialist books of the era, Engels criticises the utopian socialists, such as Charles Fourier and Robert Owen, and provides an explanation of the socialist framework for understanding capitalism, and an outline of the progression of social and economic development from the perspective of historical materialism. (17) Much of Marx’s compassion for the misery of the working class came from Engels. (14) The next two years in Brussels saw the deepening of his collaboration with Engels. (16) For Engels Marx was the Prophet; the proletariat was the chosen people; the socialist movement was the church; the revolution was the 2nd coming; (10) Marx and he remained friends for almost 40 years. (5,8) “Marx tended to be a highly abstract thinker, a disorderly intellectual, and very much oriented to his family. (14) Engels was a practical thinker, a neat and tidy business man, and a womaniser” – (George Ritzer). (14) Engels was humble enough to regard himself as “the junior partner”. (14) His own words express this feeling beautifully: “Marx could very well have done without me. What Marx accomplished I would not have achieved. Marx stood higher, saw farther, and took a wider and quicker view than the rest of us, Marx was a genius”. (14)

Engels’ contribution to ‘Marxism’He had become established as a fully developed materialist and scientific socialist, before meeting Marx, and independently of Marx’s philosophical development, (12,15) but he endorsed Marx’s newly formulated materialistic interpretation of history (16) [OR] created a philosophical framework in which Marx’s ideas could be understood, by proposing that philosophy had been developing progressively through history until it culminated in Hegel’s systematic idealism. (16) The foundation of society is economic activity: upon this rises a legal and political superstructure, and forms of social consciousness. (14) The political relations that men establish among themselves are dependent on material production. (14) He said that Marx had developed a dialectical method which was equally applicable in explaining nature, the progress of history, and the progress of human thought. (16) Marx’s “materialist conception” had enabled him to analyze capitalism and unlock the “secret” of surplus value. (16)

Surplus Value

Part of the value of the goods produced by economic man (the ‘worker’) is taken away and transformed into profit or ‘surplus value’, for the capitalist boss. (14) Specifically, Engels and Marx claimed that the surplus value created by workers in excess of wages produced significant profits for owners of capital—a central theme in Engel’s contributions to modern communism. (9) After the worker has earned the equivalent value of his wages, he goes on working, producing the ‘surplus value’ which is the boss’s profit. (9,14) The capitalist can increase the rate of surplus value by prolonging the working day. (11) This is absolute surplus value. (11) The second is by increasing the intensity of the working day. (11) This is relative surplus value. (11) This is accompanied by increasing contradictions: the introduction of machinery makes the boss more profit because he can produce more goods at a lower cost, but the new techniques are soon taken up by his competitors. (14) The cost of machinery grows faster than the cost of wages. (14) Since only labour can produce the surplus value from which profit is derived, this means that the capitalist’s rate of profit on his total outlay tends to decline. (14) He is encouraged to sack workers, leaving machines do the work which men used to do. (14) [See Also Appendix 1]

The Condition of the Working Classes in England 1845

Having left Paris on 6th September 1844 (17) Engels went back to Barmen (16,17) to write. (17) Between September 1844 and March 1845, he sent three articles to Marx, which were published in the Rheinische Zeitung and then in the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher. (17) A branch factory of his father’s textile firm was located in Manchester, England, and there (16) Engels had seen at first hand all the depressing aspects of the Industrial Revolution. (15E,16) He had gathered plenty of material for a series of articles on the subject of the working class in England. (15) He grew more engrossed with socialism. (9) [OR] he was already predisposed to criticise the conditions because he had taken up communism before leaving Germany. (12) [OR] Marx was responsible for changing his mindset towards the working class. (13) Engels’ tracts denounced the exploitation of workers and farmers throughout Europe in the wake of the Industrial Revolution. (7) He described the Manchester workers’ plight in his 1845 (6,7) [OR] 1844 (E15,18) work ‘The Condition of the Working Class in England’. (6,7) He later collected these articles for his influential first book, (17) ‘The Condition of the Working Classes in England’. (3,5) It was a classic in a field that later became Marx’s specialty. (16) It was published in German (13,16) as ‘Die Lage der arbeitenden Klasse in England’ (16) late May (17) 1845 (5,7) [OR] (1844) (1,13) [OR] 1844 and 1845. (6) [OR] 1848 (7) In it, Engels described the “grim future of capitalism and the industrial age”, noting the details of the squalor in which the working people lived. (17) Based on personal observations (5,17) and research (5) in Manchester, (5,9) it was a detailed exposition of the working condition in Britain, (9,15) and Ireland (16) reflecting Engels’ thoughts on socialism and its development. (13,17) The work initially had little impact in England. (17) It was originally intended for a German audience (16) and was a huge hit among German readers and was considered to be a classic of its time. (13) It is still influential (13,15) with historians of British Industrialization. (13,17) Archival resources contemporary to Engels’s stay in Manchester shed light on some of the conditions he describes, including a manuscript (MMM/10/1) held by special collections at the University of Manchester. (17) This recounts cases seen in the Manchester Royal Infirmary, where industrial accidents dominated and which resonate with Engels’s comments on the disfigured persons seen walking round Manchester as a result of such accidents. (17) Meanwhile, the owners of the factories and mills where these people laboured grew rich, while the middle classes lived in pleasant, healthy suburbs and could travel into the city centre to shop, without having to notice the grim hovels just a stone’s throw away. (15) The history of the development of society was, above all, the history of the development of production, the history of the modes of production which succeeded one another through the centuries. (14) It recorded the succession of the rule and victory of certain social classes over others. (17) Engels showed it to Marx. (18) An important contribution to Marx’s revision of Hegelianism came from this book, which led Marx to conceive of the historical dialectic in terms of class conflict and to see the modern working class as the most progressive force for revolution, as well as from the social democrat Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz, who in Die Bewegung der Produktion described the movement of society as “flowing from the contradiction between the forces of production and the mode of production.” (18) Engels’ book convinced Marx to conceive of the historical dialectic in terms of class conflict. (18) All recorded history hitherto had been a history of class struggle. (14,17) Marx believed that he could study history and society scientifically and discern tendencies of history and the resulting outcome of social conflicts. (18) The modern working class would be the most progressive force agent and instrument of the final revolution in history. Looking back on ‘The Condition of the working class in England’, Engels commented:

“The state of things described in this book belongs to-day, in many respects, to the past, as far as England is concerned. Though not expressly stated in our recognized treatises, it is still a law of modern Political Economy that the larger the scale on which capitalistic production is carried on, the less can it support the petty devices of swindling and pilfering which characterize its early stages… But while England has thus outgrown the juvenile state of capitalist exploitation described by me, other countries have only just attained it. France, Germany, and especially America, are the formidable competitors who, at this moment—as foreseen by me in 1844—are more and more breaking up England’s industrial monopoly. Their manufactures are young as compared with those of England, but increasing at a far more rapid rate than the latter; and, curious enough, they have at this moment arrived at about the same phase of development as English manufacture in 1844. With regard to America, the parallel is indeed most striking. True, the external surroundings in which the working-class is placed in America are very different, but the same economical laws are at work, and the results, if not identical in every respect, must still be of the same order. Hence we find in America the same struggles for a shorter working-day, for a legal limitation of the working-time, especially of women and children in factories; we find the truck-system in full blossom, and the cottage-system, in rural districts, made use of by the ‘bosses’ as a means of domination over the workers… It will be hardly necessary to point out that the general theoretical standpoint of this book—philosophical, economical, political—does not exactly coincide with my standpoint of to-day. Modern international Socialism, since fully developed as a science, chiefly and almost exclusively through the efforts of Marx, did not as yet exist in 1844. My book represents one of the phases of its embryonic development; and as the human embryo, in its early stages, still reproduces the gill-arches of our fish-ancestors, so this book exhibits everywhere the traces of the descent of Modern Socialism from one of its ancestors, German philosophy. (16)

Marxist Racism

Marx had a racial vision that might be interesting to his modern-day black supporters. (11) Nathaniel Weyl, himself a former communist, dug these references up for his 1979 book, “Karl Marx: Racist.” (11) In a letter to Engels, Marx wrote about his socialist political competitor Ferdinand Lassalle:

It is now completely clear to me that he, as is proved by his cranial formation and his hair, descends from the Negroes who had joined Moses’ exodus from Egypt, assuming that his mother or grandmother on the paternal side had not interbred with a nigger. Now this union of Judaism and Germanism with a basic Negro substance must produce a peculiar product. (11)

Engels shared Marx’s racial philosophy. (11) In 1887, Paul Lafargue, who was Marx’s son-in-law, was a candidate for a council seat in a Paris district that contained a zoo. (11) Engels claimed that Lafargue had “one-eighth or one-twelfth nigger blood.” (11) In a letter to Lafargue’s wife, Engels wrote, “Being in his quality as a nigger, a degree nearer to the rest of the animal kingdom than the rest of us, he is undoubtedly the most appropriate representative of that district.” (11) Marx was also an anti-Semite, as seen in his essay titled “On the Jewish Question,” which was published in 1844. (11) Marx asked:

What is the worldly religion of the Jew? Huckstering. What is his worldly God? Money. … Money is the jealous god of Israel, in face of which no other god may exist. Money degrades all the gods of man—and turns them into commodities. … The bill of exchange is the real god of the Jew. (11) His god is only an illusory bill of exchange. … The chimerical nationality of the Jew is the nationality of the merchant, of the man of money in general.’ (11)

He didn’t think much of Mexicans, either. (11) When the United States annexed California after the Mexican War, Marx sarcastically asked, “Is it a misfortune that magnificent California was seized from the lazy Mexicans who did not know what to do with it?” (11) Engels shared Marx’s contempt for Mexicans, explaining: “In America we have witnessed the conquest of Mexico and have rejoiced at it. It is to the interest of its own development that Mexico will be placed under the tutelage of the United States.” (11)

Forwards! 1844

Marx was constantly being pulled away from his study of political economy—not only by financial necessity and the usual daily demands of the time, but additionally by the effort editing a radical newspaper and later by organising and directing the efforts of a political party during years of potentially revolutionary popular uprisings of the citizenry. (18) In 1844, (6,12) when the Jahrbücher had ceased to appear, (17,18) Marx published (6,8) [OR] began writing for (6,10) Vorwärts! (6,8) ‘Forwards’ (18) of which he is usually said to have been the editor, although the editorship, to which Heine, Everbeck, Engels, etc., contributed, seems to have been carried on in a somewhat erratic manner, and a really responsible editor never existed. (17). (17) It was the only uncensored (18) radical (8) utopian socialist (6) German-language (6,18) newspaper (6,8) based in Paris, (18) France. (6,8) He was forced to abandon economic studies in 1844 and give thirteen years to working on other projects. (18) [OR] Marx was always drawn back to his economic studies: he sought “to understand the inner workings of capitalism”. (18) An outline of “Marxism” had definitely formed in the mind of Karl Marx by late 1844. (18) Indeed, many features of the Marxist view of the world’s political economy had been worked out in great detail, but Marx needed to write down all of the details of his economic world view to further clarify the new economic theory in his own mind. (18)

Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts

Accordingly, he (18) wrote his ‘Economic and Philosophic’ Manuscripts, (6,10) a critique that goes hand in hand with the classical economists Adam Smith and David Ricardo. (10) In it he refined his views on socialism (6,16) seeking to justify his developing economic theories (6) by basing them upon Hegelian (6,16) and Feuerbachian ideas of dialectical materialism. (16) These manuscripts covered numerous topics, detailing Marx’s concept of alienated labour. (18) Vorwärts! had strong ties to an organization (8,18) called the League of the Just, (10,18) a utopian socialist (18) or communist (10) secret society(18) of exiled German (10) workers and artisans (18) that would later become the Communist League. (8) He began to associate with communist societies of French and German workingmen. (10,16) He joined a group of workers, known as the “League of the Just” or simply: Marx attended some of their meetings but did not join. (18) In 1844, his philosophical formation, his economic and historical knowledge, and the experience of the bitterness of exile converge in Karl Marx; enough combination to strongly criticize capitalism and base his communist objectives. (10) Marx also wrote this year, “Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts”. (10) He wrote satirical poems for revolutionary-democrats, (11) criticising liberals and other socialists operating in Europe. (18)

Expelled from France 1845

While devoting most of his time at this period to the study of Political Economy and of the French Revolution, Karl Marx continued to wage fierce war with the Prussian government. (17) “Vorwarts” attacked reactionary papers and asked for government banning or censorship. (11) Once more, however, the Prussian government, (12,16) which regarded him as a dangerous revolutionary (11) intervened against Marx. (16,17) because of what he had written about a Silesian weavers uprising (14) The Prussian (10,12) [OR] German (14) government, (10,12) [OR] king (18) demanded of M. Guizot — it is said through the agency of Alexander von Humboldt, who happened to be in Paris — Marx’ expulsion from France. (17) With this demand (14,17) the interior minister (18) Guizot bravely complied. (14,17) French government shut down Vorwärts!, (18) and so, after two years in Paris, (7) on 3rd February 1845 (17) [OR] In April 1845, (15) Marx was expelled from France at Prussian insistence. (8,15) [OR] by those in power who opposed his ideas. (7)

He endorsed Marx’s newly formulated materialistic interpretation of history, which assumed the eventual realization of a communist society. (16) While living in Barmen, Engels began making contact with Socialists in the Rhineland to raise money for Marx’s publication efforts in Brussels. (17) These contacts became more important as both Marx and Engels began political organizing for the Social Democratic Workers’ Party of Germany. (17) He and Marx (16,17) intended to organise (12) [OR] spent much of their time organizing the city’s (16,17) German workers (12,16) like the French and English workers were uniting. (12)

Brussels 1845-7

Unable either to stay in France or to move to Germany, (18) in February 1845, (16,18) therefore, (3,7) Marx decided to emigrate (18) to Brussels, (3,7) a more liberal city. (15) It was the capital of a rapidly industrialising (12) nation of (15) Belgium, (12,18) endowed with one of the most liberal constitutions in Europe. (15) There he took refuge (10,11) with his wife and one daughter. (17) In April 1845, (18) Engels (10,11) followed him there (8,13) and they stayed from 1845 to 1848. (13,16) In the summer of 1845, Engels took Marx on a tour of England. (16) Engels and (15) Marx were able to join up with many other socialist expatriates13. (E15,18) from Germany (15) and across Europe, (18) including Moses Hess, (8,18) Karl Heinzen and Joseph Weydemeyer. (18) He was introduced to socialism by Moses Hess. (8) [OR] he became a revolutionary and a communist in France, (3,16) renouncing his Prussian nationality. (16) Later, Mary Burns, Engels’ long-time companion, left Manchester, England to join Engels in Brussels. (18) For Marx this was a time of study and action. (10) He hoped to once again continue his study of political economy. (15,18) and capitalism (18) [OR] history. (15) His radicalism was growing, and he had become an active member of the international revolutionary movement. (3,16) He founded the German Workers’ Party. (7) His partnership with Engels intensified, (3) and he finally broke off from the philosophy of the Young Hegelians completely. (8) Engels went to Paris, trying to convert various groups of German émigré workers, including a secret socialist society, the League of the Just, and French socialists, to his and Marx’s views. (16)

Theses on Feuerbach, 1845By the spring of 1845 his continued study of political economy, capital and capitalism had led Marx to the belief that the new political economic theory that he was espousing – scientific socialism – needed to be built on the base of a thoroughly developed materialistic view of the world. (18) The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 had been written between April and August 1844, but soon Marx recognised that the Manuscripts had been influenced by some inconsistent ideas of Ludwig Feuerbach. (18) He recognised the need to break with Feuerbach’s philosophy in favour of historical materialism, and a year later after moving from Paris to Brussels, (18) he further developed his ideas (2,4) on economics (2) in collaboration with Engels. (4,10) Influenced by Engels, he stopped philosophizing. (10) In April 1845, Marx wrote his eleven (18) brief “Theses on Feuerbach,” (6,12) a set of epigrammatic but rich remarks including reflections on the nature of philosophy. (12) They provided a suggestive account of alienation, especially of alienation in work. (12) This work contains Marx’s criticism of materialism (for being contemplative), idealism (for reducing practice to theory) overall, criticising philosophy for putting abstract reality above the physical world. (18) It thus introduced the first glimpse at Marx’s historical materialism, an argument that the world is changed not by ideas but by actual, physical, material activity and practice. (18) They are best known for Thesis 11, in which he famously states that “philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways” (18) whereas “the task of the philosopher is to enlighten the world by changing it. (6,10) Marx claimed that if man is to be made whole, and not to live an alienated existence, he must change the material conditions that cause that alienation. (6) The thesis (12) [OR] Theses (6,12) were written for self-clarification rather than publication, (12) and were not published until after his death. (8)

Visits England

In the summer (16) in mid-July 1845, Marx and Engels left Brussels for England (E16,18) Engels took Marx on a tour of England, (16) to visit the leaders of the Chartists, a working-class movement in Britain. (18) This was Marx’s first trip to England and Engels was an ideal guide for the trip. (18) Engels had already spent two years living in Manchester from November 1842 to August 1844. (18) Not only did Engels already know the English language, he had also developed a close relationship with many Chartist leaders. (18) Indeed, Engels was serving as a reporter for many Chartist and socialist English newspapers. (18) Marx used the trip as an opportunity to examine the economic resources available for study in various libraries in London and Manchester. (18)

The Holy Family, 1845

Finding that they shared the same views, (15) Engels stayed in Paris (sic?) to help Marx. (17) Marx’s association with Engels provided him a new spirit for his writing. (14) Soon (18) he and Engels (6,8) [OR] Marx (11) were collaborating (15,16) and in November 1844, (16,17) Marx co-wrote an article (8,9) [OR] a revolutionary book (11) [OR] a satirical critique (11,18) with Engels called (8,9) Die heilige Familie (15,17) ‘The Holy Family’. (6,8) which was published in (13,17) Brussels (12) in late (17) February (13,17) 1845 (8,10) [OR] 1844. (11)It continued (12) his prolix (17) criticism of the (8,9) Hegelian idealistic (15) philosophy of (8,11) the theologian (15) Bruno Bauer, (8,12) a former friend of Marx’s, (8) and the thought of (9,16) his philosophy group, (11,12) “The Young Hegelians”, (11,17) which was very popular in academic circles at the time. (9,16) The title was suggested by the publisher and was intended as a sarcastic reference to the Bauer Brothers and their supporters. (16,17) It presents a materialist view of the history of man. (11) “History’ is not, as it were, a person apart, using man as a means to achieve its own aims; history is nothing but the activity of man pursuing his own aims”. (11) The book created a controversy in the press. (16,17) Bruno Bauer attempted a refutation in an article which was published in Wigand’s Vierteljahrsschrift in 1845, claiming that Marx and Engels misunderstood what he was trying to say. (16,17) Marx later replied with his own article in the journal, Gesellschaftsspiegel, in January 1846. (16,17) But although critical of Bauer, Marx was increasingly influenced by the ideas of the Young Hegelians Max Stirner and Ludwig Feuerbach. (18) Eventually, though, he and Engels abandoned Feuerbachian materialism as well. (18)

The German Ideology 1845-6

In late April 1845, even before the publication of ‘the Condition of the Working Classes’, Engels moved to Brussels, (17) to collaborate with Marx on another book, (16,17) ‘German Ideology’. (17) ‘Die deutsche Ideologie’. (16) This was their first major joint work, a highly polemical critique that denounced and ridiculed certain of their earlier Young Hegelian associates and then proceeded to attack various German socialists who rejected the need for revolution. (16) Marx’s and Engels’ own constructive ideas were inserted here and there, always in a fragmentary manner and only as corrective responses to the views they were condemning. (16) In 1845–46 (12,15) they (6,12) [OR] he, (6,8) set about writing a book (6,8) called Die deutsche Ideologie (15) (‘The German Ideology’) (6,8) which is often seen as his best (18) [OR] first (8,15) development of his theory on historical materialism (8,15) In it he showed how, historically, societies had been structured to promote the interests of the economically dominant class. (16) A substantial section of this book criticises the work of Max Stirner (12,18) (1806–1856). (12) He also broke with Ludwig Feuerbach, Bruno Bauer, and the rest of the Young Hegelians, and with Karl Grün and other “true socialists” whose philosophies were still based in part on “idealism”. (18) In German Ideology, Marx and Engels finally completed their philosophy, which was based solely on materialism as the sole motor force in history. (18) German Ideology is written in a humorously satirical form, but even this satirical form did not save the work from censorship. (18) As was the case with so many of his other early writings, (18) Marx couldn’t find a willing publisher, and it was not published until long after his death, (8,16) in 1932. (15,18) In 1846 he published, in French, a “Discours sur la libre échange.” (17)

The Poverty of Philosophy 1847

Marx wanted to clarify his own position regarding “the theory and tactics” of a truly “revolutionary proletarian movement” operating from the standpoint of a truly “scientific materialist” philosophy, and to draw a distinction between the utopian socialists and Marx’s own scientific socialist philosophy. (18) Whereas the utopians believed that people must be persuaded one person at a time to join the socialist movement, the way a person must be persuaded to adopt any different belief, Marx knew that people would tend, on most occasions, to act in accordance with their own economic interests, thus appealing to an entire class (the working class in this case) with a broad appeal to the class’s best material interest would be the best way to mobilise the broad mass of that class to make a revolution and change society. (18) He planned new book that would get this idea across. (18) But first, in 1846 (16) [OR] in 1847 (10,12) the French (16,18) anarchist (18) socialist thinker (16,18) Pierre-Joseph (12,16) Proudhon’s (12,15) major work Philosophie de la misère, (15,16) appeared (10,12) in Brussels and Paris. (15) Proudhon wrote to Marx that he awaited his “férule critique.” (17) He did not wait long. (17) Marx seized the opportunity to camouflage his new book as a reply to Proudhon, to get it past the government censors. (18) His reply was sarcastically entitled ‘The Poverty of Philosophy’ (10,12) in imitation of Proudhon’s ‘The Philosophy of Poverty’. (15,16) It claimed to be a response to the “petty-bourgeois philosophy” of Proudhon. (18) In a mordant (16) critique (12,15) Marx showed how little he agreed with the commonly accepted version of socialism there even in its most erudite-sounding form. (15) It disparaged the social theory of Proudhon (1809–1865). (12) Proudhon wanted to unite the best features of such contraries as competition and monopoly; he hoped to save the good features in economic institutions while eliminating the bad. (16) Marx, however, declared that no equilibrium was possible between the antagonisms in any given economic system. (16) Social structures were transient historic forms determined by the productive forces: “The handmill gives you society with the feudal lord; the steammill, society with the industrial capitalist.” (16) Proudhon’s mode of reasoning, Marx wrote, was typical of the petty bourgeois, who failed to see the underlying laws of history. (16) In Marx’s reply can already be found many essential points of the theory which he later presented in full detail. (15) All these publications characteristically show Marx developing and promoting his own views through fierce critical attacks on contemporaries, often better-known and more established than himself. (12,16)

The League of the Just a.k.a. the Union of Communists

During their stay in Paris, Engels and Marx also joined a secret revolutionary society called the ‘League of the Just’. (13,17) Shortly after their arrival, (16,17) in Brussels in 1845 (12,16) [OR] in London (8,16) in 1846 (8) [OR] Engels and Marx founded (8,15) [OR] contacted (16,17) and became members of the (12,13) underground (16,17) German (12,13) Communist League (8,12) which was a successor organisation to the old League of the Just (17) which had been formed in France in 1837 to support (13,17) the (13) [OR] an (17) egalitarian society (13,17) via the overthrow of the existing governments. (17) In 1839, it had participated in a rebellion instigated by the French utopian revolutionary, Louis Auguste Blanqui. (13,17) Wherever German working-men’s clubs existed the league existed also, and it was the first socialist movement of an international character, Englishmen, Belgians, Hungarians, Poles, Scandinavians being members; it was the first organisation of the Social Democratic Party. (17) While residing in Brussels in 1846, Marx continued his association with this. (18) Influenced by Wilhelm Weitling, the Communist League was an international society of proletarian revolutionaries with branches in various European cities which had contacts with the underground conspiratorial organisation of Louis Auguste Blanqui. (17) It contained many friends of Engels and Marx (13,15) such as Georg Friedrich Herwegh, who had worked with Marx on the Rheinsche Zeitung, Heinrich Heine, the famous poet, a young doctor by the name of Roland Daniels, Heinrich Bürgers and August Herman Ewerbeck all maintained their contacts with Marx and Engels in Brussels. (17) Georg Weerth, who had become a friend of Engels in England in 1843, now settled in Brussels. (17) Karl Wallau and Stephen Born (real name Simon Buttermilch) were both German immigrant typesetters who settled in Brussels to help Marx and Engels with their Communist League work. (17) They made new contacts such as Wilhelm Wolff, who was soon to become one of Marx’s and Engels’s closest collaborators. (17) Others were Joseph Weydemeyer and Ferdinand Freiligrath, a famous revolutionary poet. (17) While most of the associates of Marx and Engels were German immigrants living in Brussels, some of their new associates were Belgians. (17) Phillipe Gigot, a Belgian philosopher and Victor Tedesco, a lawyer from Liège, both joined the Communist League. (17) Joachim Lelewel a prominent Polish historian and participant in the Polish uprising of 1830–1831 was also a frequent associate. (17) At the beginning of 1846, Marx founded a Communist Correspondence Committee (8,14) [OR] a German Working-Man’s Club at Brussels. (17) He networked with other leftist intellectuals and activists (7,8) in an attempt to link socialists from around Europe. (8) During his Brussels years, Marx developed his views and, through confrontations with the chief leaders of the working-class movement, established his intellectual standing. (16) He thought the League was just the sort of radical organisation that was needed to spur the working class of Europe toward the mass movement that would bring about a working-class revolution. (18) However, to organise the working class into a mass movement the League had to cease its “secret” or “underground” orientation and operate in the open as a political party. (18) In 1846 he publicly excoriated the German leader Wilhelm Weitling for his moralistic appeals. (16) Marx insisted that the stage of bourgeois society could not be skipped over; the proletariat could not just leap into communism; the workers’ movement required a scientific basis, not moralistic phrases. (16) In June 1847 the League of the Just held its first congress in London (16) [OR] had recently disbanded (17) [OR] Together, Engels and Marx were instrumental in bringing about its transformation into the Communist League. (16) persuading Members of the League (18,E16) at its second Communist Congress in London (16) of the correctness of their appriach, (18,E16) and in June 1847, (16) inspired by his ideas, (8) socialists in England (8,16) mainly of emigrant German handicraftsmen (16) held a conference (8,16) in London (16) and formed (8) [OR] Marx founded (17) a secret society (16) called the League of the Just (10,16) [OR] the Communist (14,18) [OR] “Communistic (17) League.” (14,17) In June 1847 the League was reorganised by its membership into a new open “above ground” political society that appealed directly to the working classes. (18) Marx had been elected Vice-President of the “Brussels Democratic Society”, and because of his close association with the League, (14) they sent a representative to Marx to ask him to join the league; Marx overcame his doubts (16) and in 1847 (11,14) he (10,11) and Engels (11) joined it. (10,11) Marx became active in it. (7,11) This new open political society (18) changed its name to the Communist League (10,16) and the members decided to formulate a political program. (16) In 1847 a Congress (17) [OR] Central Committee meeting (11) of the League was held in London. (8,17) Marx and Engels assisted as delegates. (17) The whole organisation of the league was changed by Marx; (17) It was transformed from a hole-and-corner conspiracy (17,18) into an organisation for the propaganda of Communist principles, it remained secret because existing circumstances made secrecy a necessity. (17) [OR] It adopted a democratic constitution. (16) As, and needed to make aims and intentions clear to the general public rather than hiding its beliefs as the League of the Just had been doing. (18)

The Communist Manifesto 1848

Origins

In 1847, the organization asked Marx and Engels to write a (8,10) well-founded practical political (10) program of action for this League. (6,7) [OR] brief account of the association’s (8,10) beliefs and (14) objectives, (8,10) [OR] a pamphlet to elaborate the principles of communism, (12,13) which would be presented at their next meeting in London. (10) Both Marx and Engels participated in drawing up this programme and organisational principles of the new Communist League. (6,7) In late 1847, (16,18) in the middle of December (17) Marx and Engels began work (6,7) writing what was to become their most famous work, (18) Der Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei, (16E,8) the ‘Communist Manifesto’ (6,7) a programme of action for the Communist League. (18) The London Communists were already impatiently threatening Marx with disciplinary action when he sent them the manuscript (16) he and Engels had co-authored (6,7) at the end of January 1848. (16,18) It was a statutory manuscript (10) which they promptly adopted it as their manifesto. (16)

The document appears

This slender volume (16) ‘The Communist Manifesto’ (10,11) was published (2,3) on 21st (13,16) February (5,18) 1848, (2,3)) just before the February Revolution in France. (12,17) is one of (11) the most famous of his early writings (2,4) It is one of the most famous political documents in history. (16) Though primarily written by Marx, it included many of Engel’s preliminary definitions from Grundsätze des Kommunismus (1847; Principles of Communism). (16) It laid out the beliefs of the new Communist League. (18) Later on, this pamphlet became (13) “Manifesto of the Communist Party.” (11,13) It has been called the ‘birth certificate of scientific socialism.” (14) It highlighted his main views on consistent materialism, which was closely intertwined with social life, as well as dialectics, the theory of class struggle, the historical role of the proletariat, and the foundations of communist society. (5) Much of its power comes from the concise way in which it is written. (16) It opens with a review of the existing conditions of society (17,18) setting forth the principal basis of Marxism, (18) the proposition that all history had hitherto been a history of class struggles, (3,16) summarizing in pithy form the materialist conception of history worked out in The German Ideology, (16) In section one, Marx describes feudalism, capitalism and the role internal social contradictions play in the historical process: We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. (18) At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged … the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. (18) They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder (18) [OR] disappeared, so that contemporary society was divided simply into two classes — that of the capitalists or bourgeois class, and that of the proletariat; of the expropriators and expropriated; of the bourgeois class possessing wealth and power and producing nothing, of the labour-class that produces wealth but possesses nothing. (17) Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. (18)

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes … The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring order into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. ” (18)

It goes on to examine the antagonisms that Marx claimed were arising in the clashes of interest between the bourgeoisie (the wealthy capitalist class) and the proletariat (the industrial working class). (18) Proceeding on from this, the Manifesto presents the argument for why the Communist League, as opposed to other socialist and liberal political parties and groups at the time, was truly acting in the interests of the proletariat to overthrow capitalist society and to replace it with socialism. (18) It appealed to workers in all countries to unite and fight against the capitalists (2,7) and make themselves masters of society. (2) The Manifesto outlines a course of action to bring about the overthrow of the bourgeoisie (middle class) by the proletariat (working class) and establish a classless society, (16) and presents an agenda of ten objectives to be accomplished. (16E,16) These ranged from a progressive income tax and the abolition of inheritances to free education for all children. (16) The bourgeoisie after using the proletariat to fight its political battles against feudalism, had used the power thus acquired to enslave the proletariat. (17) The bourgeoisie had wrought great revolutions in history and revolutionised the whole system of production. (17) Under its hands the steam-engine, the self-acting mule, the steam-hammer, the railways and ocean-steamers of our days were developed. (17) But its most revolutionary production was the production of the proletariat, of a class whose very conditions of existence compel it to overthrow the whole actual society. (17) It set out the principles and policies of communism: the abolition of the class system, achieved by the working classes rising up to overthrow the bourgeoisie (the middle classes who owned the places where the lower class worked), and the ending of all private property. (15) This latter aim was extremely controversial, but Engels and Marx justified it by saying (15) that the working class had next to no property as it was, and so had little to lose. (10,15) Communists aimed only at abolishing the bourgeois system of property, by which the property rights of nine-tenths of the Community had already been abolished; to the accusation that Communists aim at “abolishing marriage and the family” the Manifesto answered by asking what kind of “family” and “marriage” were possible for the working men, for whom in all true meaning of the words neither exists. (17) “But you Communists would introduce community of women”, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. (18) The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. (18) He hears that the means of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. (18) He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere mean of production. (18) As to “abolishing father-land and nationality,” these are abolished for the proletariat, and, thanks to the development of industry, for the bourgeoisie also. (17) The Manifesto ends with the words: “Communists scorn to conceal their aims and views. They declare openly that their ends are only attainable through the violent overthrow of all existing conditions of society. Let the governing classes tremble at a Communist revolution. (17) It contained the famous (7,10) concluding (10,16) line: “You (7,10) [OR] They have a world to win. (16,17) Workingmen of all countries (16) [OR] Workers of the world (7,10) [OR] Proletarians of all countries, unite!” (7,16) You (7,10)] the proletarians (10,16) have nothing to lose but your chains. (7,10) You have a world to win. unite!” (17) It mercilessly criticized all forms of socialism founded on philosophical “cobwebs” such as “alienation.” (16) Marx had a special concern with how people relate to their own labour power. (18) He wrote extensively about this in terms of the problem of alienation. (18) As with the dialectic, Marx began with a Hegelian notion of alienation but developed a more materialist conception. (18) Capitalism mediates social relationships of production (such as among workers or between workers and capitalists) through commodities, including labour, that are bought and sold on the market. (18) For Marx, the possibility that one may give up ownership of one’s own labour – one’s capacity to transform the world – is tantamount to being alienated from one’s own nature and it is a spiritual loss. (18) Marx described this loss as commodity fetishism, in which the things that people produce, commodities, appear to have a life and movement of their own to which humans and their behaviour merely adapt. (18) Commodity fetishism provides an example of what Engels called “false consciousness”, which relates closely to the understanding of ideology. (18) By “ideology”, Marx and Engels meant ideas that reflect the interests of a particular class at a particular time in history, but which contemporaries see as universal and eternal. (18) Marx and Engels’s point was not only that such beliefs are at best half-truths, as they serve an important political function. (18) Put another way, the control that one class exercises over the means of production include not only the production of food or manufactured goods but also the production of ideas (this provides one possible explanation for why members of a subordinate class may hold ideas contrary to their own interests). (18) The victory of the proletariat (3,16) would put an end to class society forever (16) [OR] cause the disappearance (3) of the unfairnesses and injustices of capitalism, such as low wages, (2) It was well timed. (10) “A spectre is haunting Europe”, it claimed, “the spectre of communism. (10) Let the ruling classes tremble … (10,17) the proletarians (10) [OR] proletariat (17) have nothing to lose with (10) [OR] but (17) their chains … (10) They have a world to win … (17) working men of all countries, Unite!” (10,17) In the end, it became a historical (10) [OR] political (18) pamphlet (6,7) and was translated into well nigh all European languages, (17) and is still widely read all over the world. (13)

In the 1848 Revolutions

Marx imagined the transformation from capitalism to socialism would happen quickly, (6) because the revolution, would have a wave of revolutionary repercussions; (10) and indeed, in the first months of (16) [OR] later in (18) 1848, (2,10) a series of protests, rebellions, and often violent upheavals that became known as (18) the revolutions (2,10) of 1848. (18) It was the ‘Year of Revolutions’, (15) During the month of February (16) 1848, there was a revolution in France. (13,16) It led to the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the French Second Republic, (18) and revolutions (17E,10) against capitalism (2) soon spread to many parts of Europe, (2,10) Belgium, (11) Austria, Italy, (10,16) and Germany. (10,12) Marx was supportive of such activity, (6,18) which he supposed was a consequence of the Manifesto (10) and expended great energy over the next two years encouraging it. (6)

Expelled from Belgium Early 1848

Engels and Marx had to change their country of residence repeatedly to evade expulsion after publishing tracts denouncing the exploitation of workers and farmers throughout Europe in the wake of the Industrial Revolution. (7) A condition of Marx’s residency in Brussels was to refrain from publishing on contemporary politics, (12,18) but he had continued in the Brüsseler Zeitung his attack on the Prussian government, and again the Prussian government demanded his expulsion. (17) due to the revolutionary ideas in his (10) political publications. (4) The revolution of February 1848 took place: (11) political demonstrations involving foreign nationals took place (12) and there was a revolutionary (10) movement among the Belgian workmen. (17,18) Marx had received a substantial inheritance from his father (withheld by his uncle Lionel Philips since his father’s death in 1838) of either 6,000 or 5,000 francs: he allegedly used a third of it to arm Belgian workers who were planning action. (18) The veracity of these allegations is disputed, (18) but in the mood of panic caused by the February revolution, (15) the Belgian Ministry of Justice accused Marx of it, and arrested him. (18) In March, a month after the Communist Manifesto was published, (8) Marx was forced to flee back to France (18) [OR] was expelled (15,16) without any ado (17) from Brussels (6,7) by the Belgian government. (15,16) [OR] Just in time to avoid expulsion, (16) the provisional government of France had, however, (16,17) through Flocon, (17) a member of the (16) French provisional government, (15,16) invited him to return to Paris (15,16) and he accepted (17,18) because he believed that with a new republican government in power he would be safe. (18)

In France

Marx returned to France (6,11) for the (11,15) March (11) [OR] February (15) Revolution, (11,15) and settled down in Paris. (18) The tidal wave of the revolution pushed all scientific pursuits into the background; (15) what mattered now was to become involved in the movement. (15,16) He transferred the Communist League executive headquarters to the city and also set up a German Workers’ Club with various German socialists living there. (18) He worked during those first turbulent days against the absurd notions of the agitators, who wanted to organise German workers from France as volunteers to fight for a republic in Germany. (15)

In Germany

After the Revolution of March, 1848, (17) the revolution gained in Austria and Germany (16) [OR] Hoping to see the revolution spread to Germany, in 1848 (18) and wanting to be at the heart of it, (15) Engels and Marx (13,16) went back (10,12) to Cologne (15,16) in the Rhineland (16) in Prussia (16) in Germany (10,12) with his friends. (15) He commented on it, (10,12) issuing a handbill entitled ‘The Demands of the Communist Party in Germany’, in which he argued for only four of the ten points of the Communist Manifesto, believing that in Germany at that time the bourgeoisie must overthrow the feudal monarchy and aristocracy before the proletariat could overthrow the bourgeoisie. (18) He also intervened in (2,12) the revolution, (10,12) taking an active part in organising democratic upsurges in Vienna, Frankfurt and Berlin. (14) Designed to put forward news from across Europe with his own Marxist interpretation of events, the newspaper featured Marx as a primary writer and the dominant editorial influence. (18) Engels’ mother wrote in a letter to him of her concerns, commenting that he had “really gone too far” and “begged” him “to proceed no further”. (17) She continued: You have paid more heed to other people, to strangers, and have taken no account of your mother’s pleas. (17) God alone knows what I have felt and suffered of late. (17) I was trembling when I picked up the newspaper and saw therein that a warrant was out for my son’s arrest.” (17)

The Neue Rheinische Zeitung

He [OR] he and Engels (15,16) started (6,18) [OR] helped to establish (12) with the help of his recent inheritance from his father, (18) a new daily (15,16) revolutionary (15) newspaper (15,16) called the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (6,11) [OR] daily New Reims (5) in Cologne (6,12) from June (5,11) 1st (11,18) 1848 [OR] 1849 (16) to May (5,11) 19th (11) [OR] June (15) 1849. (5,11)[OR] He never returned to Germany after 1843. (7) Marx became its chief (14) editor. (16,17) Despite contributions by fellow members of the Communist League, (18) Karl Schapper, Wilhelm Wolff, Ernst Dronke, Peter Nothjung, Heinrich Bürgers, Ferdinand Wolf and Carl Cramer, (17) Engels said it remained “a simple dictatorship by Marx”, (18) who ‘pressed his policy through the paper’. (16) They used their writings to try and influence the revolution in the German states as the revolutionaries tried to institute a constitutional government. (15) The Neue Rheinische Zeitung spread their revolutionary notions, (10,12) arguing that a democracy would be the first step towards communism. (12) The freedom of the press of 1848 was probably nowhere so successfully exploited as it was at that time, in the midst of a Prussian fortress, by that newspaper. (15) It was the only paper representing the working class, and daring to defend the June insurgents of Paris. (17) People on the Rhine still remember it well today1. (15) Marx advocated coalition between the working class and the democratic bourgeoisie, opposing for this reason the nomination of independent workers’ candidates for the Frankfurt Assembly and arguing strenuously against the program for proletarian revolution advocated by the leaders of the Workers’ Union. (16) He concurred in Engels’s judgment that The Communist Manifesto should be shelved and the Communist League disbanded. (16) He urged a constitutional democracy and war with Russia. (16) When the more revolutionary leader of the Workers’ Union, Andreas Gottschalk, was arrested, Marx supplanted him and organized the first Rhineland Democratic Congress in August 1848. (16) When the king of Prussia dissolved the Prussian Assembly in Berlin, (16) Marx called (10,16) for arms and men to help in (16) an armed insurrection (10,16) In vain did the various reactionary and Liberal papers denounce the Gazette for its licentious audacity in attacking all that is holy and defying all authority — and that, too, in a Prussian fortress! (17) Marx and the other revolutionary socialists were regularly harassed by the police. (18) Bourgeois liberals withdrew their support from Marx’s newspaper. (16) The government tried in vain to silence the newspaper by persecuting it through the courts. (15) In vain did the authorities by virtue of the State of Siege suspend the paper for six weeks. (17) It again appeared under the very eyes of the police, its reputation and circulation growing with the attacks made upon it. (17) Engels’ own mother disapprovingly credited it with stoking the fires of revolution in Germany, (15,17) saying in a letter to Friedrich that “nobody, ourselves included, doubted that the meetings at which you and your friends spoke, and also the language of (Neue) Rh.Z. were largely the cause of these disturbances.” (17) Engels’s parents hoped that young Friedrich would “decide to turn to activities other than those which you have been pursing [sic?] in recent years and which have caused so much distress.” (17) They felt the only hope for their son was to emigrate to America and start his life anew, threatening that if he did not change, he would “cease to receive money from us.” (17) After the Prussian coup d’état of November, the Gazette, at the head of each number, called on the people to refuse the taxes, and to meet force by force. (17) For this, and on account of certain articles, the paper (17) [OR] Marx (15) was twice (15,17) [OR] on several occasions (18) prosecuted — but acquitted (15,17) on several charges, (16,18) including (16) an offence against the press laws (15,18)insulting the Chief Public Prosecutor, (18) and inciting people to refuse to pay their taxes, (15,16) Starting with an article called “The Magyar Struggle”, (13,17) written on 8th January (17) 1849, Engels, himself, began a series of reports on the Revolution and War for Independence of the newly founded Hungarian Republic. (13,17) Engels’s articles on the Hungarian Republic became a regular feature in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung under the heading: “From the Theatre of War.” (17)Engels actively took part in the revolution in Hungary, (13,15) The revolution failed and (2,5) the last hopeless fighting flared (16) in the May rising (1849) (17) in Dresden (16,17) Baden (16) the Rhenish Provinces, and South Germany. (17) The democratic parliament in Prussia collapsed and the king, Frederick William IV, introduced a new cabinet of his reactionary supporters. (18)

Figure 1: Revolution in Prague

This Prussian coup d’état of June 1849 [13,16] implemented counter-revolutionary measures to expunge leftist and other revolutionary elements from the country. (18) (13,16) The Gazette was forcibly suppressed. (5,17) Marx’s Prussian citizenship was revoked. (12,16) and, (2,5) on the pretext that he was no longer a Prussian subject, (15) he was expelled from Germany, (2,5)as an alien (16) on May (15,16) 16th (16,18) 1849. (15,16)and deported (13,16) to London (13) [OR] fled to Paris and then London (16,17) Similar pretexts were used to expel the other editors. (15) The final issue of his newspaper, printed in red, (16,17) appeared on May 19th, 1849, (17) and caused a great sensation. (16)

Revolutionary Activity

Engels returned to work in Germany with his father (8) and did not leave Prussia for some time, (12) [OR] Marx and Engels were expelled from Prussia for their radical journalism. (10) [OR] The coup d’état separated Engels and Marx. (13,16) Engels stayed in Prussia (17) in the Palatinate and in 1849 travelled to an even more dangerous involvement. (17) He went to join (16,17) [OR] organized (12) the revolutionary uprising in (12,16) Elberfeld2 (17) in the Rhineland (Wik) [OR] in the Baden (6,17) and Palatinate (17) area of the Kingdom of Bavaria (17) in South Germany. (12,16) The rising had begun on 10th May 1849. (17) On his way to Elberfeld, (Wik) Engels took two cases of rifle cartridges (17, Wik) which had been gathered by the workers of Solingen, Germany, when those workers had stormed the arsenal at Gräfrath, Germany. (Wik) Preparing to fight the Prussian troops expected to arrive against the uprising. (Wik)  When Prussian troops came to Kaiserslautern to suppress the uprising, (17) Engels and Marx [OR] Engels alone because Marx had gone to Paris (Wik) fought on the barricades at Baden [OR] Elberfeld. (13) but the rising failed. (13) The Prussian troops crushed the uprising in August 1849. (Wik) Engels and some others escaped to Kaiserlautern. (Wik) While in Kaiserlautern on June 13, 1849, (Wik) Engels joined (17,Wik) an 800-member group of workers (Wik) being formed as a military corps by August Willich, (17,Wik) a former Prussian military officer. (Wik) who was also a member of the Communist League and supported revolutionary change in Germany. (Wik) Engels served as an aide-de-camp in Willich’s volunteer corps (16,17) despite his ‘eye trouble, (which) … renders me completely unfit for active service of any sort.” (17) The newly formed Willich Corps combined with other revolutionary groups to form an army of about 30,000 strong; it fought to resist the highly trained Prussian troops. (Wik) Engels fought with the Willich Corps for their entire campaign in the Palatinate. (Wik) The Prussians defeated this revolutionary army, and the survivors of Willichs Corps crossed over the frontier into the safety of Switzerland. (Wik) Engels did not reach Switzerland until July 25, 1849. (Wik) After the failure of the German revolutions Engels was a wanted man. (15,17) On 6th June 1849 Prussian authorities issued an arrest warrant for him which contained a physical description as “height: 5 feet 6 inches; hair: blond; forehead: smooth; eyebrows: blond; eyes: blue; nose and mouth: well proportioned; beard: reddish; chin: oval; face: oval; complexion: healthy; figure: slender. (17) Special characteristics: speaks very rapidly and is short-sighted.” (17) He was one of the last members of Willich’s volunteers to (17) escape by crossing the Swiss border. (16,17) Marx and others became concerned for his life until they finally heard from him, but once he was safe in Switzerland, Engels began to write down all his memories of the recent military campaign against the Prussians. (17) This writing eventually became the article published under the name “The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution.” (17) He travelled through Switzerland as a refugee, (16,17) and on 5th October 1849, arrived in Genoa. (17) There, Engels booked passage on an English schooner, the ‘Cornish Diamond’ under the command of a Captain Stevens. (17) The voyage across the western Mediterranean, around the Iberian Peninsula by sailing schooner took about five weeks. (17) Finally, on 10th November 1849 the Cornish Diamond sailed up the River Thames to London with Engels on board. (17)

Paris 1849

Marx went to France, (5,8) to Paris. (5,11) anticipating a socialist revolution, but (8,10) by then it was under the grip of both a reactionary counter-revolution and a cholera epidemic. (18) A few weeks (17) after the demonstration of June 13th 1849, (11,17) the French government (17) [OR] the city authorities, who considered him a political threat, soon expelled him (18) [OR] gave him the choice of retiring to Brittany or leaving France. (17) He chose the latter, (17) and so was deported from there (8,10) once again, (11,16) on or about August 26th 1849. (15) It was the last time Karl Marx was banished anywhere. (11)

Expelled from Belgium, 1849

[OR] He was expelled from Belgium in 184915, shortly after the publication of the Communist Manifesto. (8) Prussia refused to re-naturalize him, so (8) he was now stateless. (4,7)

London

Conditions of his life in England

With his wife Jenny expecting their fourth child (18) and not able to move back to Germany or Belgium, (8,18) in August (5,15) [OR] early June (18) 1849, (3,5) Marx moved to London. (2,3) he was to spend the remainder of his life there (2,3) with his wife and children, (4) although Britain denied him citizenship. (8) He had two daughters who lived to adulthood, Jenny Carolina and Jenny Laura Marx (1869): all (18) [OR] one of (12) the Marx daughters were (18) named Jenny (12,18) in honour of their mother, Jenny. (18) Marx and Jenny had seven children together: Jenny Caroline (m. Longuet; (18) 1844–1883) (12,18); Jenny (18) Laura (12,18) (m. Lafargue;) 1845–1911 (12,18); Edgar (1847–1855); Henry Edward Guy (18) (“Guido” (16,18) 1849–1850); Jenny Eveline Frances (18) (“Franziska”; 1851–1852) (12,18) for whom his wife rushed about frantically trying to borrow money for a coffin. (16) Jenny Julia (18) Eleanor (1855–1898) (12,18) and one more who died before being named (July 1857). (18) From 1850 to 1864 Marx lived in material misery and spiritual pain. (16) He committed himself almost exclusively to his studies, such that his family endured extreme poverty. (18) His funds were gone (16) and he had no regular income (11) [OR] he had a small income which he was getting from his writings, (14) Although Marx had drunk alcohol before he joined the Trier Tavern Club drinking society in the 1830s, after he had joined the club he began to drink more heavily and continued to do so throughout his whole life. (18) It was difficult for him to support his family, (11,14) and they lived (3,5) in (3,5) very poor conditions (11,16) in relative (6) poverty. (3,5) It was so severe that (11) several of his children died, (11,16) including Guido, (12,18) “a sacrifice to bourgeois misery,” (12) and Franziska. (12,18) Only three of the seven children (11,12) Jenny, Laura and Eleanor (12) survived (11,12) to adulthood. (16) In 1848, (10) [OR] near the end of 1849 (15,17) [OR] in November 1850. (13) Engels at last rejoined Marx in England. (10,12) He lived (1,3) mostly (4) in England (1,3) from 1849. (3) Prime Minister John Russell refused to expel Marx or Engels on principles of freedom of thought. (8) In March 1850 Marx and his wife and four small children were evicted and their belongings seized. (16) For six years the family lived (16) in poverty (10,15) in two small rooms (16) at 28, Dean Street (17) in Soho (16 E17) often subsisting on bread and potatoes. (16) The children learned to lie to the creditors: “Mr. Marx ain’t upstairs.” (16) Once he had to escape them by fleeing to Manchester. (16) He frequently used pseudonyms, often when renting a house or flat, apparently to make it harder for the authorities to track him down. (18) While in Paris, he used that of “Monsieur Ramboz”, whilst in London, he signed off his letters as “A. Williams”. (18) His friends referred to him as “Moor”, owing to his dark complexion and black curly hair, while he encouraged his children to call him “Old Nick” and “Charley”. (18) He also bestowed nicknames and pseudonyms on his friends and family as well, referring to Friedrich Engels as “General”, his housekeeper Helene as “Lenchen” or “Nym”, while one of his daughters, Jennychen, was referred to as “Qui Qui, Emperor of China” and another, Laura, was known as “Kakadou” or “the Hottentot”. (18) According to his son-in-law, Paul Lafargue, Marx was a loving father. (18) On the other hand they were not so poor that they could not afford a housekeeper. (12,18) In 1962, there were allegations that (18) Marx fathered a son, Freddy, out of wedlock by his housekeeper (12,18) and ‘friend of the family’, (12) Helene Demuth (12,18) [OR] but the claim is disputed for lack of documented evidence. (18) Did this contribute to his wife ‘suffering breakdowns’? (16) Marx’s adult life combined independent scholarship, political activity, and financial insecurity, in fluctuating proportions. (12) Britain was a superb vantage point from which to study the world’s most advanced capitalist economy, (12) but the emigration was an extremely difficult time. (5,11) An attempt to bring out the New Rhenish Gazette in the form of a review, published at Hamburg, (15,17) was not successful. (17) [OR] he continued to produce the paper for a while. (15) Engels’ parents threatened to cut him off from the family finances, (15,17) funds began to get scarce. (12,15) However, the problem in the relationship between Friedrich and his parents was worked out without Engels having to leave England or being cut off from financial assistance from his parents. (17) In July 1851, Friedrich Engels’s father arrived to visit him in Manchester, England. (17) During the visit his father arranged for Friedrich to meet Peter Ermen of the office of Ermen & Engels, to move to Liverpool, and (17) to return to work (12,15) in a subordinate position (16,17) as an office clerk, the same position he held in his teens while in Germany where his father’s company was based. (17) [OR] take over sole management of (10,17) the Ermen and Engels (16,17) office (17) [OR] factory (15,16) [OR] his father’s textile plant in Manchester, (12,14) in England. (15,16) To make ends meet (15) while supporting Marx and himself, (15,16) Engels agreed (12,15) [OR] was forced to agree. (15,16) This enabled him to evade the German authorities (15) and also to make money to fund his (15,17) and Marx’s (13,15) continued revolutionary activities (15) [OR] Marx’s work on Das Kapital. (12,17) During all these years Engels loyally contributed to Marx’s financial support. (16,18) Engels (8,13) supported Marx (5,8) and his family in England (8,15) financially (5,8) for the rest of his life. (12) Engels’ main source was, in turn, his wealthy industrialist father. (18,17E) The sums were not large at first, for Engels was only a clerk in the firm of Ermen and Engels at Manchester. (16) Later, however, in 1864, when he became a partner, his subventions were generous. (16) Marx was proud of Engels’s friendship and would tolerate no criticism of him. (16) Bequests from the relatives of Marx’s wife16 (16,18) and from Marx’s friend Wilhelm Wolff also helped to alleviate their economic distress. (16)

Changing fortunes for the Communists in the 1850s

The Revolutionaries after 1848

In London at that time was assembled the entire fine flower of the refugees from all the nations of the continent. (15,16) Revolutionary committees of every kind were formed, combinations, provisional governments ‘in partibus infidelium’. (15) There were quarrels and wrangles of every kind, and the gentlemen concerned no doubt now look back on that period as the most unsuccessful of their lives. (15) After the “failures” of 1848, the revolutionary impetus appeared spent and not to be renewed without an economic recession. (18) For Marx and Engels, their experience of the Revolutions of 1848 to 1849 were formative in the development of their theory of economics and historical progression. (18) The 1850s and 1860s may be said to mark a philosophical boundary distinguishing the young Marx’s Hegelian idealism and the more mature Marx’s scientific ideology associated with structural Marxism. (18) However, not all scholars accept this distinction. (18) Between 1850 and 1860, the volume of transaction in the world market doubled, railways tripled, and banks boomed. (11) The recession in the United States’ economy in 1852 gave Marx and Engels grounds for optimism for revolutionary activity, yet this economy was seen as too immature for a capitalist revolution. (18) Open territories on America’s western frontier dissipated the forces of social unrest. (18) Moreover, any economic crisis arising in the United States would not lead to revolutionary contagion of the older economies of individual European nations, which were closed systems bounded by their national borders. (18) Marx, with his extensive background, predicted the over production crisis. (11) When the so-called Panic of 1857 in the United States spread globally, it broke all economic theory models, and was the first truly global economic crisis. (18) There were sharp cut backs, massive close downs, numerous bankruptcies, closing markets, plummeting prices and the like. (11) Marx expounded his revolution in political economy. (11) He wrote many articles revealing why the world wide capitalist crisis occurred. (11) He showed that capitalism causes a cycle in the course of which over production is inevitable. (11)

Marx and the Communist League, 1850

Marx ‘remained aloof’ from all the intrigues of the emigres, (15) [OR] In March of 195017,(11) chagrined by the failure of his own tactics of collaboration with the liberal bourgeoisie, he rejoined (16) [OR] He and Engels began reconstructing (12,16) the Communist League in London, (11,16) to which its headquarters had also moved. (18) For about a year Marx advocated a bolder revolutionary policy. (16) Marx hoped that (16,16E) the economic crisis would (16) shortly lead to a revival of the revolutionary movement; (16,16E) but this hope faded. (16) In his efforts to reorganize this League (11) he and Engels drafted tactical directives for the Communists. (16) Marx wrote several addresses for the Central Committee. (11) These addresses outlined the need to continue this League and gave local branches slogans and demands. (11) An “Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League,” written with Engels in March 1850, urged that in future revolutionary situations they struggle to make the revolution “permanent” by avoiding subservience to the bourgeois party and by setting up “their own revolutionary workers’ governments” alongside any new bourgeois one. (16) In the winter of 1849–1850, a split within the ranks of the Communist League occurred when a faction within it led by (18) a communist (16) August (16,18) von (16) Willich (16,18) and Karl Schapper (18) began agitating for an immediate uprising. (16,18) They believed that once the Communist League had initiated the uprising, the entire working class from across Europe would rise “spontaneously” to join it, thus creating revolution across Europe. (18) Marx opposed this, calling them “the alchemists of the revolution”. (16) Marx deemed it fanciful to propose that “will power” could be sufficient to create the revolutionary conditions when in reality the economic component was the necessary requisite. (18) He and Engels protested that such an unplanned uprising on the part of the Communist League was “adventuristic” and would be suicide for the Communist League. (18) Such an uprising as that recommended by the Schapper/Willich group would easily be crushed by the police and the armed forces of the reactionary governments of Europe. (18) Marx disputed with his fellow communists, (16,18) denouncing them as “adventurists” (18) and accusing them of substituting “idealism for materialism”. (16) Marx maintained that this would spell doom for the Communist League itself, arguing that (18) changes in society are not achieved overnight through the efforts and will power of a handful of men (16,18) without considering actual conditions. (16) Successful revolution required a scientific analysis of economic conditions of society and by moving toward revolution through different stages of social development. (18) It was absurd to say to the workers: “We must achieve power immediately” when in reality they would have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and national wars not merely in order to change their conditions but in order to change themselves and become qualified for political power. (16) In the present stage of development (circa 1850), following the defeat of the uprisings across Europe in 1848 he felt that the Communist League should encourage the working class to unite with progressive elements of the rising bourgeoisie to defeat the feudal aristocracy on issues involving demands for governmental reforms, such as a constitutional republic with freely elected assemblies and universal (male) suffrage. (18) In other words, the working class must join with bourgeois and democratic forces to bring about the successful conclusion of the bourgeois revolution before stressing the working class agenda and a working-class revolution. (18) Schapper and Willich ridiculed Marx for being a revolutionary who limited his activity to lectures on political economy. (16) After a long struggle that threatened to ruin the Communist League, (18) [OR] a few more addresses (11) Marx’s opinion prevailed and eventually, the Willich/Schapper group left the Communist League (18) and it was restored. (11) [OR] the upshot was that Marx gradually stopped attending meetings of the London Communists. (16)

And the Workers Educational Society 1850

Meanwhile, Marx helped found (8) and become heavily involved with the socialist (18) [OR] Communist (16) German (8,18) Workers’ Educational (16,18) Society (8,18) [OR] Union. (16) The Society held their meetings in Great Windmill Street, Soho, central London’s entertainment district. (18) This organisation was also racked by an internal struggle between its members, some of whom followed Marx while others followed the Schapper/Willich faction. (18) The issues in this internal split were the same issues raised in the internal split within the Communist League, but Marx lost the fight with the Schapper/Willich faction within the German Workers’ Educational Society and on 17th September 1850 resigned from the Society. (18) In 1852 he devoted himself intensely to working for the defence of 11 (16) communist (16,17) members of the Communist League, (17) arrested and tried in Cologne (16,17) on charges of revolutionary conspiracy and (16) wrote a pamphlet on their behalf. (16,17) laying bare the infamous machinations of the Prussian government and police in his “Revelations Concerning the Cologne Trial.” (17) The next 12 years were, in Marx’s words, years of (16) political and spiritual isolation (3,17) both for him and for Engels in his Manchester factory. (16) Unlike his first period in England around 1843 (17), Engels was now under police surveillance. (15,17) For many years he lived a double life, contributing to capitalist oppression during the day and working to bring about a communist revolution by night. (15) He (15,17) and Mary Burns had a network of houses, (15) “official” and “unofficial” (10) homes all around Manchester and Salford (15,17) Weaste and other inner-city Manchester districts. (17) In these he lived under false names (17) to be able to move between when necessary (15) and so confuse the police. (17) Little more is known, as Engels destroyed over 1,500 letters between himself and Marx after the latter’s death so as to conceal the details of his secretive lifestyle. (17) He kept up a constant correspondence with Marx and frequently wrote newspaper articles for him, (17) such as “The Campaign for the German Imperial Constitution” which he finished in February 1850, and “On the Slogan of the Abolition of the State and the German ‘Friends of Anarchy’“ written in October 1850. (17)

Figure 2 Salford as Engels knew it, in 1866

Journalism

Marx’s principal earnings came from (16,18) work in journalism. (2,7) In Prussia, as editor of his own newspaper and contributor to others ideologically aligned, Marx could reach his audience, the working classes. (18) In London, without finances to run a newspaper themselves, he and Engels turned to international journalism. (18) [OR] he chose not to thrust himself to the fore, (15) At one stage they were being published by six newspapers from England, the United States, Prussia, Austria, and South Africa. (18) Marx continued that work for ten years, (7,8) writing for both German and English language publications. (7)

New York Daily Tribune, 1851-62

On the invitation of Charles A. Dana, managing editor of The New York Tribune, (16) from the summer of (11) 1851 (10,11) [OR] 1852, (7,8) he became a political (10) [OR] European (16) correspondent for (7,8) of the New York (6,7) Times (11) [OR] ‘Daily Tribune’. (6,7) [OR] Tribune. (15,16) The New-York Daily Tribune had been founded (18) [OR] was edited (16) by Horace Greeley (16,18) in April 1841. (18) Greeley, had sympathies for Fourierism, a Utopian socialist system developed by the French theorist Charles Fourier. (16) Its editorial board contained progressive bourgeois journalists and publishers, among them George Ripley and the journalist Charles Dana, who was editor-in-chief. (18) Dana, a Fourierist and an abolitionist, was Marx’s contact. (18) The Tribune was a vehicle for Marx to reach a transatlantic public, such as for his “hidden warfare” against Henry Charles Carey. (18) The journal had wide working-class appeal from its foundation; at two cents, it was inexpensive; and, with about 50,000 copies per issue, its circulation was the widest in the United States. (18) Its editorial ethos was progressive and its anti-slavery stance reflected Greeley’s. (18) Marx’s first article for the paper, on the British parliamentary elections, was published on 21st August 1852. (18) His articles were translated from German by Wilhelm Pieper, until his proficiency in English had become adequate. (18) He became, until the outbreak of the American Civil War, so to speak, as the editor for European politics of this, the leading Anglo-American newspaper. (15) He contributed leading articles and correspondence. (17) From 1851 to 1862 he ranged over the whole political universe, analyzing social movements and agitations from (16) India (12,14) and China to (16) Britain (16,17) Italy, and Spain. (16) He wrote over three hundred (7,12) (355) (7) [OR] close to 500 (16) articles (7,12) and editorials (Engels providing about a fourth of them). (16) They often containing illuminating attempts to explain contemporary European society and politics to an American audience (16) presumed to know little about them. (12) He was an outspoken opponent of child labour, saying that British industries “could but live by sucking blood, and children’s blood too”, and that U.S. capital was financed by the “capitalized blood of children”. (18) He wrote on (12) European interventions in India (12,14) developments in which he keenly observed, (14) He wrote pamphlets and fly-sheets attacking the Palmerston régime, widely circulated at the time by David Urquhart. (17) By the late 1850s, American popular interest in European affairs waned and Marx’s articles turned to (18) topics such as the “slavery crisis”, (6) in which Marx likened slaves to the industrial proletariat. (6) His dispatches on the “Great Indian Revolt” of 1857; his Notes on Indian History, and other writings, and his prognosis of British rule – depict his deep understanding of the Indian Society and the changes brought about by the British. (14) This is sometimes unfairly disparaged as merely income-generating journalism, (12) but in spite of this he never earned a living wage, (8) and his income was irregular. (11) On 21st March 1857, Dana informed Marx that due to the economic recession only one article a week would be paid for, published or not; the others would be paid for only if published. (18) Marx had sent his articles on Tuesdays and Fridays, but, that October, the Tribune discharged all its correspondents in Europe except Marx and B. Taylor, and reduced Marx to a weekly article. (18) Marx continued to write articles for the New York Daily Tribune as long as he was sure that the Tribune’s editorial policy was still progressive. (18) Between September and November 1860, only five were published. (18) After a six-month interval, Marx resumed contributions from September 1861 until March 1862, when Dana wrote to inform him that there was no longer space in the Tribune for reports from London, due to American domestic affairs. (18) The departure of Charles Dana from the paper in late 1861 and the resultant change in the editorial board brought about a new editorial policy. (18) No longer was the Tribune to be a strong abolitionist paper dedicated to a complete Union victory. (18) The new editorial board supported an immediate peace between the Union and the Confederacy in the Civil War in the United States with slavery left intact in the Confederacy. (18) Marx strongly disagreed with this new political position and in 1863 was forced to withdraw as a writer for the Tribune. (18) Only increasing (3) material support from (3,5) the wealthier (3) Engels (3,5) enabled him to survive. (3,11)

Other publications

He wrote many articles in different (2,7) more “bourgeois” (18) newspapers. (2,7) In 1868, Charles Dana set up a rival newspaper, the New York Sun, at which he was editor-in-chief. (18) In April 1857, Dana invited Marx to contribute articles, mainly on military history, to the New American Cyclopedia, an idea of George Ripley, Dana’s friend and literary editor of the Tribune. (18) In all, 67 Marx-Engels articles were published, of which 51 were written by Engels, although Marx did some research for them in the British Museum. (18) and the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 in the “War Between the States”. (18)

Writing

He continued writing and formulating his theories (5,7) about the nature of society and how he believed it could be improved. (7)

The Class struggles in France 1850

In 1850 he published ‘The Class Struggles in France’ (12,15) examining the failure of 1848 in France. (12) In this work Marx applies materialist dialectics to the study of an entire historical period for the first time. (11) Most of his main ideas are summed up as he tells the entire tale of causes, character, and course of the French bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1848. (11)

The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, 1852

In April 1851, Engels wrote the pamphlet “Conditions and Prospects of a War of the Holy Alliance against France”. (17) Marx and Engels denounced Louis Bonaparte when (17) on December 2nd, (18, 17E) 1851, he carried out a coup against the French government and made himself president for life. (17) In condemning this action, Engels wrote to Marx on 3rd December 1851, characterising the coup as “comical” and referred to it as occurring on “the 18th Brumaire” – the date of Napoleon I’s coup of 1799, according to the French Republican Calendar. (17) Engels wrote that:

“it will make no small contribution to an understanding of the untenable position into which that same Bonaparte has just got himself. The hero of the coup d’état is presented here as he really is, stripped of the glory with which his momentary success surrounded him. The philistine who considers his Napoleon III to be the greatest man of the century and is unable now to explain to himself how this miraculous genius suddenly comes to be making bloomer after bloomer and one political error after the other – that same philistine can consult the aforementioned work of Marx for his edification.” (15)

The coup induced Marx, (12,15) between December 1851 and March 1852, (18) to write a pamphlet, (12,15) exploring concepts in historical materialism, class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat, and victory of the proletariat over the bourgeois state. (18) He incorporated Engels’ comically ironic characterisation of Louis Bonaparte’s coup into his essay about the coup. (17) Indeed, Marx even called the essay (17) “The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”, New York, 1852, (12,15) using Engels’s phrase. (17) “Marx also borrowed Engels characterisation of Hegel’s notion of the World Spirit that history occurred twice, “once as a tragedy and secondly as a farce” in the first paragraph of his new essay. (17)

In the British Museum

Given the repeated failures and frustrations of workers’ revolutions and movements, (18) Marx sought to understand capitalism and economic theory. (8,15) Gradually, (3,15) in the 50s, (5) he became increasingly focused on and withdrawing into the library (5,15) [OR] the reading room (4) of the British Museum (5,11) where he spent a great deal of time (16,18) studying economics. (11,17) He worked through the immense and as yet for the most part unexamined library for all that it contained (15) on political economy. (11,15) [OR] economic and social history. (16) He studied (5,11) the works of political economists (18) and natural and mechanical (11) scientists. (5,11) He read The Economist to study capitalist society (16) and reflecting [OR] actively campaigning for socialism. (7) By 1857, he had accumulated over 800 pages of notes and short essays on capital, landed property, wage labour, the state, and foreign trade, and the world market, though this work did not appear in print until 1939 under the title Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy. (18) Marx’s daughter Eleanor helped him with his work and was later important to the British labour movement. (16) Through his research, he critiqued Ricardo’s view on capital, the view that it is plainly wealth. (11) Marx concluded that capital was “the sum-total of values which are designated for production, a sum not only of products nor even for the production of products, but a sum for the production of values”. (11) For Ricardo wealth was a sum of things. (11) Marx said capital is a social relation which coincides with the historical stage of commodity production. (11)

Critique of Political Economy, 1859

In A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx expands on the labour theory of value advocated by David Ricardo. (18) The work was enthusiastically received, and the edition sold out quickly. (18) In 1858 (11)) [OR] 1859 (10,12) his study of political economy bore its first fruit (15,17) with his first serious economic work, (18) the “Kritik zur Politischer Economie” (17) ‘Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy’. (10,15) It contains the first exposition of his Theory of Value. (17) No longer was there any “natural reward of individual labour. (18) Each labourer produces only some part of a whole, and each part having no value or utility of itself, there is nothing on which the labourer can seize, and say: ‘This is my product, this will I keep to myself’. (18) It begins with an analysis of commodity. (11) [OR] contains only the theory of money presented from completely new aspects. (15) [OR] In its preface he again summarized his materialistic conception of history, his theory that the course of history is dependent on economic developments. (16) It was largely ignored by both contemporaries and later commentators, except for the much reprinted and discussed, summary sketch of his theory of history that Marx offered in the so-called “1859 Preface” to that volume. (12) The Critique itself was intended merely as a preview of his three-volume Das Kapital which he intended to publish at a later date. (18) At this time, however, Marx regarded his studies in the British Museum as his main task. (16) He was busy producing the drafts of his magnum opus, which was to be published later as Das Kapital. (16) Some of these drafts, including the Outlines and the Theories of Surplus Value, are important in their own right and were published after Marx’s death. (16) But although avoiding the limelight generally, he was forced by Karl Vogt to enter into a polemic about the Italian campaign of 1859, (15) During this war, Marx, in the German paper Das Volk, published in London, denounced the Bonapartism that hid itself under the guise of liberal sympathy for oppressed nationalities, and the Prussian policy that under the cloak of neutrality, merely sought to fish in troubled waters. (17) It became necessary to attack Carl Vogt, who in the pay of the “midnight assassin” was agitating for German neutrality, nay sympathy. (17) Infamously and deliberately calumniated by Cart Vogt, Marx replied to him and other gentlemen of his ilk (17) in “Herr Vogt,” 1860, (15,17) in which he accused Vogt of being in Napoleon’s pay. (17) Just ten years later, in 1870, this accusation was proved to be true. (17) The French government of National Defence published a list of the Bonapartist hirelings and under the letter V appeared: Vogt, received August, 1859, 10,000:francs.” (17)

And the Crimean War 1854-6

Marx viewed Russia as the main counter-revolutionary threat to European revolutions. (18) During the Crimean War, Marx backed the Ottoman Empire and its allies Britain and France against Russia. (18) From 1856, he lived at 9 Grafton Terrace, Kentish Town, and then in a tenement at 41 Maitland Park Road in Belsize Park from 1875 until his death in March 1883. (17)

And Pan-Slavism

He was absolutely opposed to Pan-Slavism, viewing it as an instrument of Russian foreign policy. (18) Marx had considered the Slavic nations except Poles as ‘counter-revolutionary’. (18) Marx and Engels had said in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in February 1849: To the sentimental phrases about brotherhood which we are being offered here on behalf of the most counter-revolutionary nations of Europe, we reply that hatred of Russians was and still is the primary revolutionary passion among Germans; that since the revolution [of 1848] hatred of Czechs and Croats has been added, and that only by the most determined use of terror against these Slav peoples can we, jointly with the Poles and Magyars, safeguard the revolution. (18) We know where the enemies of the revolution are concentrated, viz. in Russia and the Slav regions of Austria, and no fine phrases, no allusions to an undefined democratic future for these countries can deter us from treating our enemies as enemies. (18) Then there will be a struggle, an “inexorable life-and-death struggle”, against those Slavs who betray the revolution; an annihilating fight and ruthless terror – not in the interests of Germany, but in the interests of the revolution!” (18)

Engels’ Career 1863-70

Mary Burns died (15,17) suddenly of a heart disease (17) in 1863, and Engels later began a relationship with her sister (15,17) Lydia (“Lizzie”). (17) [OR] Lizzy. (15) They lived openly as a couple in London and married on 11th September 1878, hours before Lizzie’s death. (17) He established himself as a prosperous capitalist, (10) and eventually (12,15) due to his impressive and productive work record. (12,16) worked his way up to become a joint proprietor (12,15) by 1864, (16,17) He never allowed his communist principles and his criticism of capitalism to interfere with the profitable operations of the firm, and was able to supply Marx with a constant stream of funds. (16) Along with working in the mill, Engels also wrote his notable work, ‘The Peasant War in Germany’ which was based on Protestant Reformation, 1525 revolutionary war of peasants and Martin Luther. (16) He was now able to spend all his time writing radical articles and working with Marx on books. (15) Five years later, Engels retired from the business and could focus more on his studies. (17) In 1870 (15,16) he moved to London to (12,15) to live and (16) [OR] Marx did not live with him, but at 41 Maitland Park Road in Belsize Park (17) work with Marx (12,15) at his home at 122 Regent’s Park Road, Primrose Hill, NW1, (16,17) where he lived until his death.(16) [OR] In October 1894 he moved to 41 Regent’s Park Road, Primrose Hill, NW1. (17) Meanwhile Marx was doing his research for (5,10) his life’s work (10,13) “Das Kapital”, (5,9) one of the earliest and most scathing critiques of modern capitalism. (9) It has been called the “Bible of the working class”. (14) It took 30 years of lonely study (10) [OR] He and Engels worked together (12) in the reading room of the British Museum to write Das Kapital. (10) Volume I appeared in 1867. (10,11) It was intended by Marx to create the same sort of universal theory for human society that Darwin had done for Natural History; and he had hoped to dedicate his first volume to Darwin. (10) It was a sustained exercise in speculative social philosophy, a rambling jumble of brilliant insights and turgid pedantry. (10) It borrowed a number of disparate ideas current at the time, and reassembled them in the original combination of “dialectical materialism”. (10) He took the subject of materialist history from Feuerbach, the class struggle from Sant Simone, the dictatorship of the proletariat from LeBoeuf, the Labour theory of value from Adam Smith, the theory of surplus value from Brian Thompson and the principle of dialectical progress from Hegel. (10) Besides relying on Engels for material support for his work and his publications Marx also benefited from his knowledge of business practices and industrial operations. (16) All these components were put together in a messianic doctrine whose psychological roots are thought to lie in the Judaism which had family had deserted during his childhood. (10) Engel’s reviews of Marx’s Das Kapital (Capital), helped to establish it as the centrepiece of Marxist thought and to popularize Marxist views. (16) Engels created a philosophical framework in which Marx’s ideas could be understood, by proposing that philosophy had been developing progressively through history until it culminated in Hegel’s systematic idealism. (16) He claimed that Marx had applied Hegel’s insights to the physical world, and believed that modern natural and political science were reaching a point where they could realize an ideal physical existence and an ideal society. (16) He said that Marx had developed a dialectical method which was equally applicable in explaining nature, the progress of history, and the progress of human thought, and that his “materialist conception” had enabled him to analyze capitalism and unlock the “secret” of surplus value. (16)

Marx and Ireland

Marx supported the cause of Irish independence. (18) In 1867, he wrote Engels: “I used to think the separation of Ireland from England impossible. I now think it inevitable. The English working class will never accomplish anything until it has got rid of Ireland. … English reaction had its roots … in the subjugation of Ireland.”

And Colonialism

According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: “Marx’s analysis of colonialism as a progressive force bringing modernization to a backward feudal society sounds like a transparent rationalization for foreign domination. (18) His account of British domination, however, reflects the same ambivalence that he shows towards capitalism in Europe. (18) In both cases, Marx recognizes the immense suffering brought about during the transition from feudal to bourgeois society while insisting that the transition is both necessary and ultimately progressive. (18)

And British India

In his journalism in 1851 to 1862 he ranged over the whole political universe, analyzing social movements and agitations for example in (16) India (12,14) He discussed British colonial rule in India in the New York Herald Tribune in June 1853:

“There cannot remain any doubt but that the misery inflicted by the British on Hindostan [India] is of an essentially different and infinitely more intensive kind than all Hindostan had to suffer before. England has broken down the entire framework of Indian society, without any symptoms of reconstitution yet appearing… [however], we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition.” (18)

His dispatches on the “Great Indian Revolt” of 1857; his Notes on Indian History, and other writings, and his prognosis of British rule – depict his deep understanding of the Indian Society and the changes brought about by the British. (14) Referring to Algeria he said that “torture is done by the ‘police’; (like the English in India) the judge is supposed to know nothing at all about it.” (18) He argued that the penetration of foreign commerce would cause a social revolution in India. (18)

And Algeria

Marx spent some time in French Algeria, which had been invaded and made a French colony in 1830, and had the opportunity to observe life in colonial North Africa. (18) He wrote about the colonial justice system, in which “a form of torture has been used (and this happens ‘regularly’) to extract confessions from the Arabs; naturally it is done (like the English in India) by the ‘police’; the judge is supposed to know nothing at all about it.” Marx was surprised by the arrogance of many European settlers in Algiers and wrote in a letter: “when a European colonist dwells among the ‘lesser breeds,’ either as a settler or even on business, he generally regards himself as even more inviolable than handsome William I [a Prussian king]. (18) Still, when it comes to bare-faced arrogance and presumptuousness vis-à-vis the ‘lesser breeds,’ the British and Dutch outdo the French.” (18)

Engels and Lizzie 1863

Mary Burns died in 1863 and Engels found solace in her younger sister Lizzy. (13,15)

Activism: the First International, 1864

Early stages in Britain

Marx was politically active throughout his adult life, (12) and maintained contacts with international socialism. (10) [OR] Marx had little to do with practical politics, (10) but over time, (3,16) he emerged from his political and spiritual isolation (3,16) and became reinvolved in political activity. (14,16) His political isolation ended in (12,16) [OR] about (16) 1864. (12,16) [OR] This took place between (5,6) September 28th (10) 1864, (5,6) [OR] 1869 [OR] in the 1850s and 1860s (11) The second of Marx’s two especially intense periods of political activity—after the revolutions of 1848—centred on (12) his involvement with an international workers’ association, (5,6) the International Working Men’s Association (6,11) [OR] International Association of Workers, (10) which was later named the ‘First International’. (5,6) [OR] a phantom body later eulogised as “the first international”. (18) The condition of the working men’s movement had so far advanced that Karl Marx could think of executing a long-cherished plan — the establishment in all the more advanced countries of Europe and America of an International Working Men’s Association. (17) as well as a new headquarters for the Communist League. (8) Marx was one of the founders (10,16) [OR] was not the founder (16) Marx was elected to its General Council (18) in 1864. (18, E16) and wrote a constitution and some fiery addresses for it. (10)

St Martin’s Hall Meeting

Marx organised (5,6) [OR] was invited to attend (10,16) its first (16) public meeting, (16,17) called by working men of various nationalities (16,17) including English trade union leaders and French workers’ representatives (16) to express sympathy with Poland (17) took place at St. Martin’s Hall (16) [OR] St. James’ Hall (17) in London (16,17) in April (17) [OR] on September 28th (16) 1864. (16,17) Marx, was invited through a French intermediary (16) to attend the foundation as the representative of the working class, [OR] of German workers (16) This was a revival of democratic activities. (11) The meeting was presided over by Professor Beesley. (17) Marx sat silently on the platform. (16) It was decided to found the International, (17) A committee was set up to produce a program and a constitution for the new organization. (16) A provisional general council was elected. (17)

The Inaugural Address

After various drafts had been submitted that were felt to be unsatisfactory. (16) Marx, serving on a subcommittee, drew upon his immense journalistic experience. (16) and drew up the Inaugural Address and the Provisional Rules. (16,17) In this address, after an appalling picture of the misery of the working classes, even in years of so-called commercial prosperity, he tells the working men of all countries to combine, and, as nearly twenty years before in the Communist Manifesto, he concluded with the words: (17)

“Proletarians of all countries, unite!” The “Rules” stated the reasons for founding the International: “CONSIDERING, “That the emancipation of the working classes insist be conquered by the working classes themselves; that the struggle for the emancipation of the working classes means not a struggle for class privileges and monopolies, but for equal rights and duties, and the abolition of all class rule; “That the economical subjection of the man of labour to the monopoliser of the means of labour, that is, the sources of life, lies at the bottom of servitude in all its forms of social misery, mental degradation, and political dependence; “That the economical emancipation of the working classes is therefore the great end to which every political movement ought to be subordinate as a means; “That all efforts aiming at that great end have hitherto failed from the want of solidarity between the manifold divisions of labour in each country, and front the absence of a fraternal bond of union between the working classes of different countries; “That the emancipation of labour is neither a local nor a national, but a social problem, embracing all countries in which modern society exists, and depending for its solution on the concurrence, practical and theoretical, of the most advanced countries “That, the present revival of the working classes in the most industrious countries of Europe, while it raises a new hope, gives solemn warning against a relapse into the old errors, and calls for the immediate combination of the still disconnected movements: for these reasons The International Working Men’s Association has been founded.”

Council Member

As a member of the organization’s General Council, (6,16) and corresponding (16) secretary (10,16) for Germany (16,17) and Russia (17) Marx was henceforth assiduous in attendance at its meetings, which were sometimes held several times a week. (16) He soon became its leading spirit. (14,16) He wrote resolutions and manifestoes for this group. (11) With scarcely any exceptions the Addresses — from the Inaugural one to the last one — on the “Civil War in France “ were written by him. (17) His “Address and the Provisional Rules of the International Working Men’s Association,” unlike his other writings, stressed the positive achievements of the cooperative movement and of parliamentary legislation; the gradual conquest of political power would enable the British proletariat to extend these achievements on a national scale. (16) [OR] He argued that the working class should carry out organised proletarian revolutionary action to topple capitalism and bring about socio-economic emancipation (4) in the communist society he dreamt of. (14) Marx never clearly discusses issues of morality and justice, but scholars agree that his work contained implicit discussion of those concepts. (18) For several years he showed a rare diplomatic tact in composing differences among various parties, factions, and tendencies. (16) The International grew in prestige and membership, its numbers reaching perhaps 800,000 in 1869. (16) It was successful in several interventions on behalf of European trade unions engaged in struggles with employers. (16) Marx was elected to the General Council, (6) and to be its secretary, (10) and so its leader. (10,11) He devoted a number of years to this work. (14) actively participating in the preparation of its statutes and the drafting of (10) [OR] he wrote (11) the initial report. (10,11) and actively pressed for the implementation of his ideas. (4,5)

Das Kapital, 1867

Composition and structure‘A Contribution to the (18) Critique of Political Economy’ (10,15) sold very well. (18) This simulated Marx in the early 1860s to finish work on the three large volumes that would compose his major life’s work – Das Kapital and the Theories of Surplus Value, which discussed the theoreticians of political economy, particularly Adam Smith and David Ricardo. (18) This work contains the results of studies to which a whole life was devoted. (15) It is the political economy of the working class, reduced to its scientific formulation. (15) This work is concerned not with rabble-rousing phrasemongering, but with strictly scientific deductions. (15) Whatever one’s attitude to socialism, one will at any rate have to acknowledge that in this work it is presented for the first time in a scientific manner, and that it was precisely Germany that accomplished this. (15) [OR] It was a sustained exercise in speculative social philosophy, a rambling jumble of brilliant insights and turgid pedantry. (10) However, it was some time in coming, since the author discovered so much new material in the meantime that he considered it necessary to undertake further studies. (15) that focused on the development of industrial capitalism. (14) Theories of Surplus Value derived from the sprawling Economic Manuscripts of 1861–1863, a second draft for Das Kapital, the latter spanning volumes 30–34 of the Collected Works of Marx and Engels. (18) Between 1863 to 1865 he worked on the first volume (5) of his most important body of work, (3) ‘Capital’, (5) known by its German title (2) ‘Das Kapital’. (2,3) [OR] 1867–1883. (4) At last, its first volume was published (3,14) in Hamburg (15) in his lifetime (3,14) in 1867. (7,8) It appeared, as ‘Capital, A Critique of Political Economy, Volume I’. (15) In the Communist Manifesto, Das Kapital and other writings, Marx propounds ‘historical materialism’ (14) It borrowed a number of disparate ideas current at the time, and reassembled them in the original combination of “dialectical materialism”. (10) He took the subject of materialist history from Feuerbach, the class struggle from Sant Simone, the dictatorship of the proletariat from LeBoeuf, the Labour theory of value from Adam Smith, the theory of surplus value from Brian Thompson and the principle of dialectical progress from Hegel. (10) Besides relying on Engels for material support for his work and his publications Marx also benefited from his knowledge of business practices and industrial operations. (16) Marx hoped to create the same sort of universal theory for human society that Darwin had done for Natural History; and he had hoped to dedicate his first volume to Darwin. (10) Because of Das Kapital Marx is called “the founder of scientific socialism”. (10) It was the only significant part of the project published in his own lifetime, (12,14) and even here he was unable to resist heavily reworking subsequent editions (especially the French version of 1872–75). (12) Engel’s reviews of Marx’s Das Kapital (Capital), helped to establish it as the centrepiece of Marxist thought and to popularize Marxist views. (16) Marx never succeeded in fixing and realising the wider project that he envisaged. (12) Before the publication of Volume One (12) he had made notes for (6,12) three (6) [OR] two (4,5) additional volumes. (3,6) This ‘bible of the working class’ (3) had three volumes, (4,5) but the last two were barely touched by him in the remaining fifteen years of his life (12) [OR] he continued to work on them for the rest of his life. (18) Both volumes (18) were later (3,6) assembled, (8,12) from Marx’s notes, (10,12) edited (3,7) and published by Engels (3,6) after his friend’s death, (3,8) the individual contribution of each man cannot always be disentangled. (10) These books appeared in the period 1885-1894. (5,12) [OR] Volume II of Das Kapital published in July 1893 under the name Capital II: The Process of Circulation of Capital. (18) Volume III of Das Kapital was published a year later in October 1894 under the name Capital III: The Process of Capitalist Production as a Whole. (18) They established the materialist interpretation of history. (6) Engels wrote introductions to new editions of Marx’s works, as well as articles on a variety of subjects, contributing on questions of nationality, military affairs, the sciences, and industrial operations, and is generally credited with shaping two of the major philosophical components of Marxism: Historical materialism and dialectical materialism. (16) He organized Marx’s notes on the “Theories of Surplus Value,” which (5,17) he later published as the fourth (5,9) [OR] third (15) volume of “Das Kapital”. (5,9) [OR] The final volume was completed by Karl Kautsky. (16) An additional three supplementary volumes planned by Engels, and subsequently called (12) Theories of Surplus Value (or, more colloquially, the “fourth volume of Capital”) (12,18) were assembled from remaining notes by Karl Kautsky (12,16) (1854–1938), and published between 1905 and 1910. (12) They constitute one of the first comprehensive treatises on the history of economic thought. (18)

Theme of Das Kapital

Marx’s critical theories about society, economics, and politics, collectively understood as Marxism, hold that human societies develop through class conflict. (4,7) This was the ‘dialectic of class struggle’ (7) or ‘historical materialism’. (4) He was critical of the current socio-economic form of society, capitalism. (4,7) Britain’s system of private enterprise and competition, beginning in the 16th century (14) had resulted in an ‘Industrial Revolution’ (13,15) acoss Europe which (2) had (13,15) enabled factories to produce goods on a large-scale (2, E14) assisted by such means as the division of labour, and the adoption of mechanization and other technical progress, (14) The surplus goods were exported to other countries. (2) In the capitalist mode of production, (4,7) the owners of the factories (2,E15) controlled the means of production. (4,7) Living off the labour of their poor workers, (15) they earned huge profits and became rich. (2) This small group (7) of ‘capitalists’ (9,14) were a ruling class (4) (known as the bourgeoisie) (4,7) a privileged small number of the middle classes. (15 They started new factories and earned more profits, and thus a few businessmen and industrialists became very rich. (2) This was the ‘Capitalist System’. (9,14) The people who actually produced the goods that enriched them (7) sold their labour-power in return for wages, (4,11) but the rich capitalists did not pay enough wages to the workers, (2) and the things they produced were unevenly distributed. (9,13) This ‘dictatorship of the bourgeoisie’ was run by the wealthy middle and upper classes purely for their own benefit. (7) There was therefore conflict between the capitalists and the working classes (known as the proletariat) (4,7) As more and more people flooded in from the countryside to find employment in the factories and mills, city streets became full of hastily built, overcrowded dwellings. (15) The people in the crowded, filthy slums had reached the depths of human misery. (15) Disease spread rapidly through these packed living quarters, and large families often lived in one room, with no easily accessible clean water and a constant hunger which meagre wages could not supply enough food to satisfy. (15) Both Engels and Marx were moved by the plight of the working poor because of unemployment and bad living conditions of factory workers. (9,13) Under the capitalist system man is not truly free, because the bourgeois state took away from the worker all political power. (14) He was ‘alienated’ politically as well as economically. (14) A ‘reserve army’ of unemployed factory workers and peasants was created. (14) “Capitalist production exhausts at the same time the two sources from which all wealth springs: the earth and the worker.” (14) Engels regarded their condition as the natural outcome of the class war that was being waged on the working class by the middle classes. (15) Marx identified unequal exchanges that take place in the market: a capitalist buys cotton yarn and sells the textile at a profit, which he reinvests in more production. (14) This is possible because the capitalist possesses the means of production, including the labour power of the worker. (14) It was an exploitative system that (9) benefited the owners of land, capital, and means of production more than the workforce. (9,14) Since the process of development takes place by leaps, one passes suddenly from a succession of slow quantitative changes to a radical qualitative change18. (14) “Two basic classes oppose each other in the capitalist system: the owners of the means of production, or bourgeoisie, and the workers, or proletariat. (14) His view of capitalism was two-sided. (18) On one hand, in the 19th century’s deepest critique of the dehumanising aspects of this system he noted that defining features of capitalism include alienation, exploitation and recurring, cyclical depressions leading to mass unemployment. (18) A communist revolution would inevitably occur. (18)

Benefits of Capitalism

On the other hand, he characterised capitalism as “revolutionising, industrialising and universalising qualities of development, growth and progressivity” (by which Marx meant industrialisation, urbanisation, technological progress, increased productivity and growth, rationality and scientific revolution) that are responsible for progress. (18) Although Marx describes capitalists as vampires sucking worker’s blood, he notes that drawing profit is “by no means an injustice” and that capitalists cannot go against the system. (18) The capitalist class was one of the most revolutionary in history because it constantly improved the means of production, more so than any other class in history and was responsible for the overthrow of feudalism. (18) Capitalism can stimulate considerable growth because the capitalist has an incentive to reinvest profits in new technologies and capital equipment. (18) According to Marx, capitalists take advantage of the difference between the labour market and the market for whatever commodity the capitalist can produce. (18)

Defects of Capitalism

The problem is the “cancerous cell” of capital, understood not as property or equipment, but the relations between workers and owners – the economic system in general. (18) He suggested that over time capitalists would invest more and more in new technologies and less and less in labour. (18) At the same time, Marx stressed that capitalism was unstable and prone to periodic crises. (18) Since Marx believed that profit derived from surplus value appropriated from labour, he concluded that the rate of profit would fall as the economy grows. (18) Marx believed that increasingly severe crises would punctuate this cycle of growth and collapse. (18) Moreover, he believed that in the long-term, this process would enrich and empower the capitalist class and impoverish the proletariat. (18) Marx observed that in practically every successful industry, input unit-costs are lower than output unit-prices. (18) Marx called the difference “surplus value” and argued that it was based on surplus labour, the difference between what it costs to keep workers alive and what they can produce. (18) In Das Kapital, Marx aimed to explain the economic impact of capitalist society, (4,7) He outlined his conception of surplus value and exploitation, which he argued would ultimately lead to a falling rate of profit and the collapse of industrial capitalism. (18) It analysed the capitalist process of production. (18) He elaborated his labour theory of value, which had been influenced by Thomas Hodgskin. (18) Marx acknowledged Hodgskin’s “admirable work” Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital at more than one point in Das Kapital. (18) Indeed, Marx quoted Hodgskin as recognising the alienation of labour that occurred under modern capitalist production. (18) It is the first work in which the actual relations existing between capital and labour, in their classical form such as they have reached in England, are described in their entirety and in a clear and graphic fashion. (15) The parliamentary inquiries provided ample material for this, spanning a period of almost forty years and practically unknown even in England, material dealing with the conditions of the workers in almost every branch of industry, women’s and children’s work, night work, etc.; all this is here made available for the first time. (15) Then there is the history of factory legislation in England which, from its modest beginnings with the first acts of 1802, has now reached the point of limiting working hours in nearly all manufacturing or cottage industries to 60 hours per week for women and young people under the age of 18, and to 39 hours per week for children under 13. (15) From this point of view the book is of the greatest interest for every industrialist. (15) Marx discovered that it is not labour itself, but labour power that is the commodity which the worker sells and the capitalist purchases. (11) This was the key discovery for the connection for the determination of the commodity value by labour. (11) The meat of capital (?) is placed on exploitation of wage labour. (11) The instability and crisis-prone nature of capitalism (4) [OR] the struggle to make a living divided people into social classes, which (2) would inevitably produce internal tensions. (4,7) Marx shared a lot of Engels’ views on the class system. (15) He wanted to transform the world and men’s consciousness of it. (14) ‘Philosophy must become reality’. (14) He had admired Engels’ articles about Manchester and was interested in his idea, taken from Hegel, that real change could only come through conflict. (15) Ernest Belfort Bax, called Engels “a devout Atheist” (8) In ‘The Holy Family; M and E ridiculed certain of their earlier Young Hegelian associates and then proceeded to attack various German socialists who rejected the need for revolution. (16) The Neue Rheinische Zeitung spread their revolutionary notions, (10,12) arguing that a democracy would be the first step towards communism. (12) The Communist Manifesto outlines a course of action for the Revolution to bring about the overthrow of the bourgeoisie (middle class) by the proletariat (working class) and establish a classless society, and presents an agenda of ten objectives to be accomplished. (16) Though primarily written by Marx, it included many of Engel’s preliminary definitions from Grundsätze des Kommunismus (1847; Principles of Communism). (16) It was well timed. (10) “A spectre is haunting Europe”, it claimed, “the spectre of communism. (10) Let the ruling classes tremble … (10,17) the proletarians (10) [OR] proletariat (17) have nothing to lose with (10) [OR] but (17) their chains … (10) They have a world to win … (17) working men of all countries, Unite!” (10,17) Later on, this pamphlet became (13) “Manifesto of the Communist Party.” (11,13) Marx believed that modern natural and political science were reaching a point where they could realize an ideal physical existence and an ideal society. (16)

The Revolution

The structural contradictions within capitalism would necessitate its end. (18) The working class would develop class consciousness, (4,9E) and seek a radical transformation of their situation (9) by a revolution. (14,15) The industrial workers (the proletariat) would rise up around the world, (18) leading to their conquest of political power (4,9E) [OR] to its self-destruction and replacement by a new system, socialism. (4,7) They would overthrow the bourgeoisie, (the middle classes who owned the places where the lower class worked: the privileged few that currently lived off the labour of the workers). (15) Such a revolution was the only way of resolving the contradictions in capitalism and replacing it by communism. (14) [OR] Marx allowed for the possibility of peaceful transition in some countries with strong democratic institutional structures (such as Britain, the United States, and the Netherlands), Marx suggested that in other countries in which workers cannot “attain their goal by peaceful means” the “lever of our revolution must be force”. (18) This would establish an alternative economic system. (14) (see ‘The Classless Society’ below), The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. (18) What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. (18) Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable. (18) Thanks to various processes overseen by capitalism, such as urbanisation, the working class, the proletariat, should grow in numbers and develop class consciousness, in time realising that they can and must change the system. Marx believed that if the proletariat were to seize the means of production, they would encourage social relations that would benefit everyone equally, abolishing exploiting class and introduce a system of production less vulnerable to cyclical crises. Marx argued in The German Ideology that capitalism will end through the organised actions of an international working class: Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality will have to adjust itself. (18) We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. (18) The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence. (18)

The Dictatorship of the Proletariat

Marx theorised that after capitalism and before the establishment of a socialist/communist system, (18) [OR] under socialism (7) would exist a period of dictatorship of the proletariat – where the working class holds political power and forcibly socialises the means of production. (7,18) The government would have control over everyone’s lives. (11) This would be a period of the revolutionary transformation between capitalism and communism. (18)

The Classless Society

The Dictatorship of the Proletariat would give way to socialism, or a post-capitalistic, communist society (18) whose realization was the final aim and necessary result of the development of the productive forces in modern society. (15,16) Communism was the promised land. (10) Engels claimed that Marx had applied Hegel’s insights to the physical world, and believed that modern natural and political science were reaching a point where they could realize an ideal physical existence and an ideal society. (16) In his ‘Anti-Dühring’, (1878) (10,15) he said that state would “wither away”, (10) because in such a utopian world, there would be little need for a state, (10E,18) whose goal was previously to enforce the alienation. (18) so that socialism would eventually be replaced by (7) the establishment of (2,4) a stateless (7,18) classless, communist society (2,4) in which no-one owned anything. (15) This latter aim was extremely controversial, but Engels and Marx justified it by saying (15) that the working class had next to no property as it was, and so had little to lose. (10,15) The modern factories would produce large quantities of goods, but would not be owned by individuals, but by the workforce. (2) It would be a free association of producers, (4) free to act without being bound by the labour market. (18) Every individual would be able to fully develop their talents by eliminating the specialization of production. (17) Without specialization, every individual would be permitted to exercise any vocation of their choosing for as long or as little as they would like. (17) If talents permitted it, one could be a baker for a year and an engineer the next. (17) The notion of value has no longer anything to do with the selling of goods, because all labour “becomes at once and directly social labour,” and the amount of social labour that every product contains no longer needs to be ascertained by “a detour” (i.e. (14) through the operation of business). (14) “In the place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and its class antagonisms, there will be an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.” (14) Alienation would end in an improved society compared to the past ones (slavery and feudalism). (18) It would be a democratic society, enfranchising the entire population. (18) This was the paradise which Marxists expected. (14)

The Decline of the First International 1870-76

And the Commune

The most important political event during the existence of the International was the Paris Commune of 1871 when the citizens of Paris rebelled against their government and held the city for two months. (18) In response to the bloody suppression of this rebellion, Marx wrote one of his most famous pamphlets, “The Civil War in France”, a defence of the Commune. (18) It was the Commune that made him into an international figure, “the best calumniated and most menaced man of London,” as he wrote. (16) When the Franco-German War broke out in 1870, Marx and Engels disagreed with followers in Germany who refused to vote in the Reichstag in favour of the war. (16) The General Council of the International declared that “on the German side the war was a war of defence.” (16) After the defeat of the French armies, however, they felt that the German terms amounted to aggrandizement at the expense of the French people. (16) When an insurrection broke out in Paris and the Paris Commune was proclaimed, Marx gave it his unswerving support, (16) and kept close contact with it, as with other all revolutionary movements. (14) It controlled Paris for several months (12) in the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian war. (12,16) Being a sensitive man, he was greatly disappointed when he learnt that it had failed. (14) The character and lessons to be learned from (16) that short-lived, and violently suppressed, (12,16) municipal rebellion (12,14) are discussed in his (12) famous address on May 30th, 1871, (16) “Civil War in France” (1871). (12,16) He hailed it, saying “History has no comparable example of such greatness.…Its martyrs are enshrined forever in the great heart of the working class.” (16) In Engels’s judgment, the Paris Commune was history’s first example of the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” (16) Marx’s name, as the leader of The First International and author of the notorious ‘Civil War’, became synonymous throughout Europe with the revolutionary spirit symbolized by the Paris Commune. (16) In This last address Marx explained the real meaning of the Commune — “that sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind.” (17) In words as vigorous as beautiful he branded the corrupt government of “national defection that betrayed France into the hands of Prussia,” he denounced the government of such men as the forger Jules Favre, the usurer Perry, and the thrice infamous Thiers, that monstrous gnome” the “political shoe-black of the Empire.” (17) After contrasting the horrors perpetrated by the Versaillists and the heroic devotion of the Parisian working men, dying for the preservation of the very republic of which M. Perry is now Prime Minister, Marx concludes: “Working men’s Paris with its Commune will be for ever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. (17) Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. (17) Its exterminators’ history is already nailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priests will not avail to redeem them.” (17)

After the Commune

And English moderates

The advent (16) [OR] The fall (17) of the Commune brought about its downfall, (16, 17) placing the International in an impossible position. (17) It exacerbated the antagonisms within the International Working Men’s Association and thus English trade unionists such as George Odger, former president of the General Council, opposed Marx’s support of the Paris Commune. (16) The Reform Bill of 1867, which had enfranchised the British working class, had opened vast opportunities for political action by the trade unions. (16) English labour leaders found they could make many practical advances by cooperating with the Liberal Party and, regarding Marx’s rhetoric as an encumbrance, resented his charge that they had “sold themselves” to the Liberals. (16)

And Bakunin

Marx began to gain name and fame both as the leader of the International and as the author of Capital. (14) [OR] in 1870 he was still unknown as a European political personality, and a left opposition was developing on the International under the leadership of the famed (16) Russian (10,16) revolutionary (16) anarchist, Mikhail (10,16) Alexandrovich (16) Bakunin. (10,16) who disagreed with his understanding of socialism, (6,10) A veteran of tsarist prisons and Siberian exile, Bakunin could move men by his oratory, which one listener compared to “a raging storm with lightning, flashes and thunderclaps, and a roaring as of lions.” (16) Bakunin admired Marx’s intellect but could hardly forget that Marx had published a report in 1848 charging him with being a Russian agent. (16) He felt that Marx was a German authoritarian and an arrogant Jew who wanted to transform the General Council into a personal dictatorship over the workers. (16) He strongly opposed several of Marx’s theories, especially Marx’s support of the centralized structure of the International. (16) Marx’s view that the proletariat class should act as a political party against prevailing parties but within the existing parliamentary system, and Marx’s belief that the proletariat, after it had overthrown the bourgeois state, should establish its own regime. (16) To Bakunin, the mission of the revolutionary was destruction; he looked to the Russian peasantry, with its propensities for violence and its uncurbed revolutionary instincts, rather than to the effete, civilized workers of the industrial countries. (16) The students, he hoped, would be the officers of the revolution. (16) He acquired followers, mostly young men, in Italy, Switzerland, and France, and he organized a secret society, the International Alliance of Social Democracy, which in 1869 challenged the hegemony of the General Council at the congress in Basel, Switzerland. (16) Marx, however, had already succeeded in preventing its admission as an organized body into the International. (16) He also wanted to return to his studies and to finish Das Kapital. (16) At the congress of the International (16) at The Hague in 1872 (10,16) (the only one Marx ever attended) (16) he faced (6,10) Bakunin and his followers. (6,16) He rejected the idea of ​​the creation of a worker’s party. (10) He began organizing sections of the International for an attack on the alleged dictatorship of Marx and the General Council. (16) To the Bakuninists, the Paris Commune was a model of revolutionary direct action and a refutation of what they considered to be Marx’s “authoritarian communism.” (16) He said: “Equality without freedom leads to state despotism.” (10) Marx in reply publicized Bakunin’s embroilment with an unscrupulous Russian student leader, Sergey Gennadiyevich Nechayev, who had practiced blackmail and murder. (16) Without a supporting right wing and with the anarchist left against him, Marx feared losing control of the International to Bakunin. (16) but he ultimately prevailed, (6,10) and the Bakuninists were expelled. (10,16) This marked a dividing line between socialists and anarchists. (10) It became necessary to (17) remove the General Council from London to New York, and (6,7) to the consternation of the delegates (16) this, (16,17) at Marx’ (17) [OR] Engels’ (16) suggestion, (17) with Marx’s support, (18) was done by the Hague Congress in 1873 (17) [OR] 1872. (18) The move to New York led to the decline of the International. (18) After 1873 Marx gave himself up almost entirely to his work, though this had been retarded, for some years by ill-health, (17) and his involvement with the International ended in 1874. (12)

And the Gotha Programme

During the last decade of his life, Marx’s health declined (18) and he became incapable of the sustained effort that had characterised his previous work, (16,18) though he still read widely and undertook to learn Russian. (16) He did manage to comment substantially on contemporary politics, particularly in Germany and Russia. (18) He became crotchety in his political opinions. (12,16) When his own followers and those of the German revolutionary Ferdinand Lassalle, a rival who believed that socialist goals should be achieved through cooperation with the state, coalesced in 1875 to found the German Social Democratic Party, (16) Marx wrote a caustic criticism of their program (the so-called Gotha Program) (12,16) claiming that it made too many compromises with the status quo. (16,18) He deplored the tendency of his followers (16,18) in the German labour movement (12) Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel (18) to compromise with the state socialism of (16,18) Ferdinand Lassalle (12,18) (1825–1864) (12) in the interests of a united socialist party. (18) He portrayed the higher stage of a future communist society as endorsing distribution according to “the needs principle”. (12) He expressed this in the famous Marx quote: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his need”. (18) The German leaders put his objections aside and tried to mollify him personally. (16)

The End of the International 1876

In the I.W.M.A (15,16) at least as far as the workers’ movement is concerned, the German element – thanks precisely to Marx – held the influential position which was its due. (15) It was an epoch-making organisation and the centre of much attention. (15) It showed in more than one place in Europe that (15) it was a force to be reckoned with (5,15) [OR] it languished (16) and disbanded (6,12) in Philadelphia (16) in 1876: (6,12) Marx’s daughter made the best of this by arguing that ‘there no longer existed the necessity for a formal organisation’, because the movement had taken another form; the continual intercourse between the proletarians of all countries, one of the fruits of the International Association had to go on so long as the present conditions of society existed, (17) but when Marx died in 1883 there was no clearly recognized intellectual head of the worldwide socialist movement. (6) Marx: Illness & Death 1876-1883Marx’s later years (after the Paris Commune) are the subject of much interpretative disagreement. (12) In his final years, Karl Marx was in creative and physical decline. (3,16)

Engels: ‘Anti-Dühring’ 1878

Engels assisted him in editing a few articles as Marx regarded him as highly informed on economics, political and military issues. (12) He expounded the “withering of state power” in (10) his ‘Anti-Dühring’, (1878) (10,15) (Herrn Eugen Dührings Umwälzung der Wissenschaft – ‘Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science,) which he wrote almost single-handedly. (16) This book did much to promote Marx’s ideas, and undermined the influence of the Berlin professor, Karl (16) Eugen Dühring, (16,17) a German philosopher and critic of Marxism (17) who was threatening to supplant Marx’s influence among German Social Democrats. (16) In the course of replying to Dühring, Engels reviewed recent advances in science and mathematics, seeking to demonstrate the way in which the concepts of dialectics applied to natural phenomena. (17) Many of these ideas were later developed in the unfinished work, Dialectics of Nature. (17) One of the best selling socialist books of the era, Engels criticises the utopian socialists, such as Charles Fourier and Robert Owen, and provides an explanation of the socialist framework for understanding capitalism, and an outline of the progression of social and economic development from the perspective of historical materialism. (17) From Fourier, he derives four main points that characterize the social conditions of a communist state. (17) The first point maintains that every individual would be able to fully develop their talents by eliminating the specialization of production. (17) Without specialization, every individual would be permitted to exercise any vocation of their choosing for as long or as little as they would like. (17) If talents permitted it, one could be a baker for a year and an engineer the next. (17) The second point builds upon the first: with the ability of workers to cycle through different jobs of their choosing, the fundamental basis of the social division of labour is destroyed, and the social division of labour will disappear as a result. (17) If anyone can employ himself at any job that he wishes, then there are clearly no longer any divisions or barriers to entry for labour. (17) Otherwise, such fluidity between entirely different jobs would not exist. (17) The third point continues from the second: once the social division of labour is gone, the division of social classes based on property ownership will fade with it. (17) If labour division puts a man in charge of a farm, that farmer owns the productive resources of that farm. (17) The same applies to the ownership of a factory or a bank. (17) Without labour division, no single social class may claim exclusive rights to a particular means of production since the absence of labour division allows all to use it. (17) Finally, the fourth point concludes that the elimination of social classes destroys the sole purpose of the state and it will cease to exist. (17) As Engels stated in his own writing, the only purpose of the state is to abate the effects of class antagonisms. (17) With the elimination of social classes based on property, the state becomes obsolete and a communist society, at least in the eyes of Engels, is achieved. (17)

Engels and Lizy

Engels never intended to marry Lizzy like Mary Burns. (13) When he married Lizzy on 11th September 1878, it was only because it was her dying wish. (13)

Health Problems

Marx’s life was dominated by illness. (10,11) He began to suffer many diseases, (10,11) and referred to “the wretchedness of existence”. (18) His biographer Werner Blumenberg attributed it to liver and gall problems which Marx had in 1849 and from which he was never afterward free, exacerbated by an unsuitable lifestyle. (18) The attacks often came with headaches, eye inflammation, neuralgia in the head, and rheumatic pains. (18) A serious nervous disorder (16,18) “chronic mental depression,” (16) appeared in 1877 and protracted insomnia was a consequence, which Marx fought with narcotics; (18) his life turned inward toward his family. (16) The illness was aggravated by excessive nocturnal work and faulty diet. (18) Marx was fond of highly seasoned dishes, smoked fish, caviare, pickled cucumbers, “none of which are good for liver patients”, but he also liked wine and liqueurs and smoked an enormous amount “and since he had no money, it was usually bad-quality cigars”. (18) Marx suffered from a trio of afflictions. (18) From 1863, he complained a lot about boils: “These are very frequent with liver patients and may be due to the same causes”. (18) The abscesses were so bad that Marx could neither sit nor work upright. (18) He had severe bronchitis (10) [OR] a liver ailment, probably hereditary, (18) aggravated by his strenuous work (11,18) with the International and (11) writing ‘Capital’. (11,18) (which he never completed), a bad diet, and lack of sleep. (18) According to Blumenberg, Marx’s irritability is often found in liver patients: “The illness emphasised certain traits in his character. (18) He argued cuttingly, his biting satire did not shrink at insults, and his expressions could be rude and cruel.” (18) Though in general Marx had blind faith in his closest friends, nevertheless he himself complained that he was sometimes too mistrustful and unjust even to them. (18) His verdicts, not only about enemies but even about friends, were sometimes so harsh that even less sensitive people would take offence … (18) There must have been few whom he did not criticize like this … (18) not even Engels was an exception. (18) Inflammation of the eyes was induced by too much work at night. (18) A third affliction, eruption of carbuncles or boils, “was probably brought on by general physical debility to which the various features of Marx’s style of life – alcohol, tobacco, poor diet, and failure to sleep – all contributed. (18) Engels often exhorted Marx to alter this dangerous regime”. (18) He travelled in the hope of improving his health, (12) and spent time at health spas (3,12) on the Isle of Wight, and in Karlsbad, Jersey, and (12) Algiers). (12,16) In Professor Siegel’s thesis, what lay behind this punishing sacrifice of his health may have been guilt about self-involvement and egoism, originally induced in Karl Marx by his father. (18) In 2007, a retrodiagnosis of Marx’s skin disease was made by dermatologist Sam Shuster of Newcastle University and for Shuster, the most probable explanation was that Marx suffered not from liver problems, but from hidradenitis suppurativa, a recurring infective condition arising from blockage of apocrine ducts opening into hair follicles. (18) This condition, which was not described in the English medical literature until 1933 (hence would not have been known to Marx’s physicians), can produce joint pain (which could be misdiagnosed as rheumatic disorder) and painful eye conditions. (18) To arrive at his retrodiagnosis, Shuster considered the primary material: the Marx correspondence published in the 50 volumes of the Marx/Engels Collected Works. (18) There, “although the skin lesions were called ‘furuncles’, ‘boils’ and ‘carbuncles’ by Marx, his wife, and his physicians, they were too persistent, recurrent, destructive and site-specific for that diagnosis”. (18) The sites of the persistent ‘carbuncles’ were noted repeatedly in the armpits, groins, perianal, genital (penis and scrotum) and suprapubic regions and inner thighs, “favoured sites of hidradenitis suppurativa”. (18) Professor Shuster claimed the diagnosis “can now be made definitively”. (18) Shuster went on to consider the potential psychosocial effects of the disease, noting that the skin is an organ of communication and that hidradenitis suppurativa produces much psychological distress, including loathing and disgust and depression of self-image, mood, and well-being, feelings for which Shuster found “much evidence” in the Marx correspondence. (18) Professor Shuster went on to ask himself whether the mental effects of the disease affected Marx’s work and even helped him to develop his theory of alienation. (18)

Later political activity

The last years of his life were marked by active participation in the creation of proletarian parties. (5) [OR] Vilified as an international conspirator; (10) Marx abandoned politics, (10,16) and remained a relatively unknown figure (7,18) in Britain (18) in his own lifetime, (7,18) [OR] had his followers and admirers throughout the world. (14) The Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm remarked: “One cannot say Marx died a failure” because (18) although he had not achieved a large following of disciples in Britain, his writings had already begun to make an impact on the leftist movements in Germany and Russia. (18,10E) He still retained what Engels called his “peculiar influence” on the leaders of working-class and socialist movements. (16) In 1879, when the French Socialist Workers’ Federation was founded, its leader Jules Guesde went to London to consult with Marx, who dictated the preamble of its program and shaped much of its content. (16) In 1881 Henry Mayers Hyndman in his ‘England for All’ drew heavily on his conversations with Marx but angered him by being afraid to acknowledge him by name. (16) Increasingly, he looked to a European war for the overthrow of Russian tsarism, the mainstay of reaction, hoping that this would revive the political energies of the working classes. (16) He was moved by what he considered to be the selfless courage of the Russian terrorists who assassinated the tsar, Alexander II, in 1881; he felt this to be “a historically inevitable means of action.” (16) His inability to deliver the later volumes of Capital is often seen as emblematic of a wider and more systematic intellectual failure (Stedman Jones 2016). (12) However, others have stressed Marx’s continued intellectual creativity in this period, as he variously rethought his views about the core and periphery of the international economic system; the scope of his theory of history; social anthropology; and the economic and political evolution of Russia. (Shanin 1983; K. Anderson 2010). (12)

Final Years

He was deeply distressed by the death of his wife Jenny, (3,10) on December 2nd (11,16) 1881, (3,10) and that of his (3,12) eldest (12,16) daughter, (3,12) Jenny Longuet, (16) on January (16,18) 11th, (16) 1883. (16,18) [OR] 1882. (14) the failure of various political movements; all these things, and his own illness, contributed to his sad demise. (14) He developed a catarrh that kept him in ill health for the last 15 months of his life. (18) It eventually brought on the bronchitis and pleurisy that killed him in London on 14 March 1883, when he died at age 64. (18) He died (7,11) a stateless person (18) peacefully at his home (11) of cancer (7) [OR] pleurisy (8) [OR] a lung abscess (16) on 14th March (3,4) 1883 (2,3) two months after the death of his daughter. (12) Engels wrote

“On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep – but forever.”

Funeral

A handful of (14,18) family and friends in London (18) buried (3,7) [OR] cremated (14) him along with Jenny (11) at Highgate Cemetery (3,7) (East) (18) in London,(3,7) on 17th March 1883, in an area reserved for agnostics and atheists (George Eliot’s grave is nearby). (18) A contemporary newspaper account claims that 25 to 30 relatives and friends attended the funeral. (18) According to Francis Wheen there were between nine and eleven mourners at his funeral, however research from contemporary sources identifies thirteen named individuals attending the funeral. (18) They were, Friedrich Engels, Eleanor Marx, Edward Aveling, Paul Lafargue, Charles Longuet, (these last Marx’s two French socialist sons-in-law) Helene Demuth, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Gottlieb Lemke, Frederick Lessner, G Lochner, Sir Ray Lankester, Carl Schorlemmer and Ernest Radford. (18) Several of his closest friends spoke at his funeral. (18) Liebknecht, a founder and leader of the German Social Democratic Party, gave a speech in German and Longuet, a prominent figure in the French working-class movement, made a short statement in French. (18) Two telegrams from workers’ parties in France and Spain were also read out. (18) Together with Engels’s speech, this constituted the entire programme of the funeral. (18) Non-relatives attending the funeral included three communist associates of Marx: Friedrich Lessner, imprisoned for three years after the Cologne Communist Trial of 1852; G. Lochner, whom Engels described as “an old member of the Communist League”; and Carl Schorlemmer, a professor of chemistry in Manchester, a member of the Royal Society and a communist activist involved in the 1848 Baden revolution. (18) Another attendee of the funeral was Ray Lankester, a British zoologist who would later become a prominent academic. (18) A writer in The Graphic noted that

By a strange blunder … his death was not announced for two days, and then as having taken place at Paris. The next day the correction came from Paris; and when his friends and followers hastened to his house in Haverstock Hill, to learn the time and place of burial, they learned that he was already in the cold ground. But for this secresy and haste, a great popular demonstration would undoubtedly have been held over his grave’. (18)

His estate was valued (12,18) for probate (18) at £250 (equivalent to £25,365 in 2019). (12,18) His original grave had only a nondescript stone. (8,18) Marx and his family were reburied on a new site nearby in November 1954. (18) In 1954 (8) [OR] on 14th March 1956 (18) the Communist Party of Great Britain erected a large tombstone, (8,18) including a portrait bust of Marx (8,18) by Laurence Bradshaw. (18) It is inscribed with words that echo those from “The Communist Manifesto,” (7,8) which seemingly predicted the influence Marx would have on world politics and economics: (7) “Workers of all lands unite” (7,8) as well as a quote from the (8,18) eleventh of his (18) Theses on Feuerbach: (8,18) “The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways—the point however is to change it”. (18) Black civil rights leader and CPGB activist Claudia Jones was later buried beside Karl Marx’s tomb. (18) The memorial at his grave is always covered by tokens of appreciation from his fans. (7) In May 2018, to mark the bicentenary of his birth, a 4.5m statue of him by leading Chinese sculptor Wu Weishan and donated by the Chinese government was unveiled in his birthplace of Trier. (18)

Posthumous

He is known to the world as the architect of (14,17) scientific (10) socialism (14,17) and the champion of communism. (14) He revolutionised the whole science of Political Economy. (17) He was a good organiser, committed revolutionary, a voracious reader and an effective writer. (14) Marx a scientist rather than a moralist. (16) He did not deal directly with the ethical issues. (16) He was a German scholar, a historian, an economist, a political propagandist, a journalist (editor of the “Rheinische Zeitung”) a great humanitarian and a philosopher. (14) Marx’s critique of political economy remains controversial: (12) his prediction of world-wide revolution of the working class has turned out to be wrong, but millions of people accept his theories with quasi-religious fervour, and modern socialist and communist movements owe their inspiration directly to him. (14) He is considered the most (10) influential philosopher (10,11) of modern history, defender of the cause and international unity of the workers, permanent agitator of the revolution and manager of ideas that managed to move the world political and economic order. (10) He influenced natural science and Darwinism. (11) Though hugely influential, (3,4) on subsequent intellectual, (4) economic and political history, (4,11) Marx did not live to see his ideas carried out in his own lifetime (3) but his anti-capitalist works (9) provided the (2,3) theoretical (3) basis for (2,3) modern international (3) communist thinking. (2,3) He was, (2,7) with the due help of his friend Engels (14) the father of (2,7) Scientific (14) Communism. (2,7) [OR] Marxism is not the same as Communism. (14) Marx founded the “Theory of Communism”, enunciated the laws of “Dialectical and Historical Materialism” and discovered the “theory of surplus value.” (14) His ideas and the ideology of Marxism began to (7) exert a major influence on socialist movements shortly after his death. (7,18) Within 25 years of his death, the continental European socialist parties that acknowledged Marx’s influence on their politics were each gaining between 15 and 47 percent in those countries with representative democratic elections. (18) Marx would probably be dismayed at many of the practices of communist movements, and he cannot be held responsible for policies pursued in his name decades after his death.” (14)) He is also the chief architect of “The Theory of Class Conflict” and “The Theory of Alienation”. (14) Engels says “In the final analysis his real interest lay with his science, which he has studied and reflected on for twenty-five years with unrivalled conscientiousness, a conscientiousness which has prevented him from presenting his findings to the public in a systematic form until they satisfied him as to their form and content, until he was convinced that he had left no book unread, no objection unconsidered, and that he had examined every point from all its aspects”. (15) His name has been used as an adjective, a noun, and a school of social theory. (4) Marx has been both lauded and criticised. (4,15) His daughter wrote (4,17) “Of his striking personality, his immense erudition, his wit, humour, general kindliness and ever-ready sympathy it is not for me to speak. (17) To sum up all – “the elements So mix’d in him that Nature might stand up, And say to all the world, “This was a Man”. (17) Engels said “Original thinkers are very rare in this age of epigones; if, however, a man is not only an original thinker but also disposes over learning unequalled in his subject, then he deserves to be doubly acknowledged.” (15) But for many years he was the “best-maligned” of the German writers, and no one will deny that he was unflinching in his retaliation and that all the blows he aimed struck home with a vengeance. (15) But polemics, which he “dealt in” so much, was basically only a means of self-defence for him. (15)

Engels speaks for Marx

After Marx’s death (5,6) in 1883, (6,8) Engels became the keeper of his legacy (15) and the foremost authority on Marx and Marxism. (14,16E) He struggled to keep the spirit of communism alive, and gained the status of the first Marxist. (12) He sought to bring to light many of the unpublished writings of Marx. (14) and devoted the remaining years of his life to editing (5,6) and translating (6,8) Marx’s writings. (5,6) He held regular correspondence with the German Social Democrats and other followers all over Europe (12,16) [OR] everywhere, in order to perpetuate the image of Marx and to foster some degree of conformity among the “faithful.” (16) He edited the second and third volumes of ‘Das Kapital’ (5,6) in 1885 (6,16) and 1894 (6,10) respectively. (6,16) Engels wrote up the last two volumes of capital from Marx’s notes, (10,12) making Das Kapital a joint oeuvre whose individual elements cannot always be disentangled. (10) They established the materialist interpretation of history. (6) Engels wrote introductions to new editions of Marx’s works, as well as articles on a variety of subjects, contributing on questions of nationality, military affairs, the sciences, and industrial operations, and is generally credited with shaping two of the major philosophical components of Marxism: Historical materialism and dialectical materialism. (16) He organized Marx’s notes on the “Theories of Surplus Value,” which (5,17) he later published as the fourth (5,9) [OR] third (15) volume of “Das Kapital”. (5,9) [OR] The final volume was completed by Karl Kautsky. (16) But Engels had ideas of his own. (9,10) He was more experienced and knowledgeable (13) than Marx because of his familiarity with social conditions. (12) He was more concerned than Marx with the practical implications of their theories. (10) Engles (13) [OR] Engels (9,10) gave great encouragement to active revolutionaries. (10)

Engels: The Origin of the Family 1884

In a letter to Vera Zasulich Marx points out that “at the core of the capitalist system … lies the complete separation of the producer from the means of production”. (18) In one of the drafts of this letter, Marx reveals his growing passion for anthropology, motivated by his belief that future communism would be a return on a higher level to the communism of our prehistoric past. (18) He wrote that “the historical trend of our age is the fatal crisis which capitalist production has undergone in the European and American countries where it has reached its highest peak, a crisis that will end in its destruction, in the return of modern society to a higher form of the most archaic type – collective production and appropriation”. (18) He added that “the vitality of primitive communities was incomparably greater than that of Semitic, Greek, Roman, etc. (18) societies, and, a fortiori, that of modern capitalist societies”. (18) Before he died, Marx asked Engels to write up these ideas, (18) and in due course, after Marx’s death, Engels wrote the highly acclaimed (12) Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats (16) ‘The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, (3,8) 1884 (3,10) a detailed seminal work (16) based on Marx’s ethnographic research (17) [OR] on anthropological evidence of the time. (17) Engels wrote it when he was 64 years of age (13) Engels argued that the family is an unnatural institution. (16) He did not believe in the (15,17) current state and church-regulated (17) institution of marriage (15,17) because he thought it was unnatural and unjust, (16) and a form of class oppression. (17) Engels argued that the family is an unnatural institution. (16) Family structures had changed over history. (13,17) The family was designed to “privatize” wealth and human relationships against the way in which animals and early humans naturally evolved. (16) Monogamous marriage came from the necessity within class society for men to control women to ensure their own children would inherit their property. (17) It involved female subjugation and ownership of private property. (16) A future communist society would allow people to make decisions about their relationships free of economic constraints. (17) This was an important contribution to family economics. (5)

Engels’ Later writing

The Origin of the Family was his first piece after Marx’s death and last publication before his own passing. (9) [OR] He wrote ‘Ludwig Feuerbach und der Ausgang der klassischen deutschen Philosophie’ in 1888; (‘Ludwig Feuerbach and the Outcome of Classical German Philosophy). (12,16) [OR] In his “Can Europe Disarm,” (1893) he said “The socialist movement cannot be gagged. On the contrary, the antisocialist law…will complete the revolutionary education of the German workers.” (7) [OR] The Condition of the Working Classes in England’ was at last published in English in 1892. (13,16) [OR] 1887. (17) [OR] Three chapters of the ‘Anti-Dühring’ were later edited and published under the separate title, Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. (17) Almost fifty years later, in his preface to the 1892 edition, Engels said of himself:

The author, at that time, was young, twenty-four years of age, and his production bears the stamp of his youth with its good and its faulty features, of neither of which he feels ashamed… The state of things described in this book belongs to-day, in many respects, to the past, as far as England is concerned. Though not expressly stated in our recognized treatises, it is still a law of modern Political Economy that the larger the scale on which capitalistic production is carried on, the less can it support the petty devices of swindling and pilfering which characterize its early stages… But while England has thus outgrown the juvenile state of capitalist exploitation described by me, other countries have only just attained it. France, Germany, and especially America, are the formidable competitors who, at this moment—as foreseen by me in 1844—are more and more breaking up England’s industrial monopoly. Their manufactures are young as compared with those of England, but increasing at a far more rapid rate than the latter; and, curious enough, they have at this moment arrived at about the same phase of development as English manufacture in 1844. With regard to America, the parallel is indeed most striking. True, the external surroundings in which the working-class is placed in America are very different, but the same economical laws are at work, and the results, if not identical in every respect, must still be of the same order. Hence we find in America the same struggles for a shorter working-day, for a legal limitation of the working-time, especially of women and children in factories; we find the truck-system in full blossom, and the cottage-system, in rural districts, made use of by the ‘bosses’ as a means of domination over the workers… It will be hardly necessary to point out that the general theoretical standpoint of this book—philosophical, economical, political—does not exactly coincide with my standpoint of to-day. Modern international Socialism, since fully developed as a science, chiefly and almost exclusively through the efforts of Marx, did not as yet exist in 1844. (16) My book represents one of the phases of its embryonic development; and as the human embryo, in its early stages, still reproduces the gill-arches of our fish-ancestors, so this book exhibits everywhere the traces of the descent of Modern Socialism from one of its ancestors, German philosophy. (16)

Engels said that “Anyone still wishing to do battle with socialism, will have to deal with Marx, and if he succeeds in that then he really does not need to mention the dei minorum gentium.” (14) Engels developed Marx’s ideas towards the 5-Year Plans and Collectivisation. (14) From Fourier, he derives four main points that characterize the social conditions of a communist state. (17) The second point builds upon the first: with the ability of workers to cycle through different jobs of their choosing, the fundamental basis of the social division of labour is destroyed, and the social division of labour will disappear as a result. (17) If anyone can employ himself at any job that he wishes, then there are clearly no longer any divisions or barriers to entry for labour. (17) Otherwise, such fluidity between entirely different jobs would not exist. (17) The third point continues from the second: once the social division of labour is gone, the division of social classes based on property ownership will fade with it. (17) If labour division puts a man in charge of a farm, that farmer owns the productive resources of that farm. (17) The same applies to the ownership of a factory or a bank. (17) Without labour division, no single social class may claim exclusive rights to a particular means of production since the absence of labour division allows all to use it. (17) Finally, the fourth point concludes that the elimination of social classes destroys the sole purpose of the state and it will cease to exist. (17) As Engels stated in his own writing, the only purpose of the state is to abate the effects of class antagonisms. (17) With the elimination of social classes based on property, the state becomes obsolete and a communist society, at least in the eyes of Engels, is achieved. (17) A future communist society would allow people to make decisions about their relationships free of economic constraints. (17)

Engels and William Morris

Such evidence as exists suggests that Engels regarded William Morris, while sincere and personally irreproachable, as sentimental and unpractical, while Morris regarded Engels as bossy. (18) Morris grew to become weary of the (9,11) autocratic Hyndman (11) Democratic Federation (9,11) and in December (7) 1884, (4,7) with the support of Engels, Morris and eight out of the ten members of the executive of the (S.D.F.) (7) resigned. (7,8) Engels was rightly conscious of his position as the living representative of Marxism and of his immense experience. (18) He was used to being consulted by Socialists from all over the world, and expected that his advice would be, if not always followed, at least seriously considered. (18) With many calls on his time and energy he tended to be dismissive of the small and divided Socialist Movement in Britain. (18) As he wrote to Laura Lafargue: ‘Morris is a settled sentimental Socialist; he would be easily managed if one saw him regularly a couple of times a week, but who has the time to do it, and if you drop him for a month he is sure to lose himself again’. (18)

Engels, Marx and Russia

One of the ideas that Engels and Marx contemplated was the possibility and character of a potential revolution in the Russias. (17) As early as April 1853, Engels and Marx anticipated an “aristocratic-bourgeois revolution” in Russia which would begin in “St. Petersburg with a resulting civil war in the interior.” (17) The model for this type of aristocratic-bourgeois revolution in Russia against the autocratic czarist government in favour of a constitutional government had been provided by the Decembrist Revolt of 1825. (17) Although an unsuccessful revolt against the czarist government in favour of a constitutional government, both Engels and Marx anticipated a bourgeois revolution in Russia would occur which would bring about a bourgeois stage in Russian development to precede a communist stage. (17) As early as April 1853, Engels and Marx anticipated an “aristocratic-bourgeois revolution” in Russia which would begin in “St. Petersburg with a resulting civil war in the interior.” (17) They sympathised with the Narodnik revolutionaries of the 1860s and 1870s. (18) These were Polish uprisings against tsarist Russia. (18) He said in a speech in London in 1867:

“In the first place the policy of Russia is changeless… Its methods, its tactics, its manoeuvres may change, but the polar star of its policy – world domination – is a fixed star. In our times only a civilised government ruling over barbarian masses can hatch out such a plan and execute it…. There is but one alternative for Europe. Either Asiatic barbarism, under Muscovite direction, will burst around its head like an avalanche, or else it must re-establish Poland, thus putting twenty million heroes between itself and Asia and gaining a breathing spell for the accomplishment of its social regeneration.” (18)

By 1881, both men began to contemplate a course of development in Russia that would lead directly to the communist stage without the intervening bourgeois stage. (17) This analysis was based on what Marx and Engels saw as the exceptional characteristics of the Russian village commune or obshchina. (17) Although doubt was cast on this theory by Georgi Plekhanov, Plekhanov’s reasoning was based on the first edition of Das Kapital (1867), which predated Marx’s interest in Russian peasant communes by two years. (17) Marx kept in communication with the Russian socialists and (14) Das Kapital was translated into Russian in 1872. (18,14E) At this time, Marx was living in London but was able to exchange ideas with the Russian socialists through daily correspondence. (17) Demand for a Russian language edition of Das Kapital soon led to the printing of 3,000 copies of the book in the Russian language. (18) By the autumn of 1871, the entire first edition of the German-language edition of Das Kapital had been sold out and a second edition was published. (18) Later editions of the text demonstrate Marx’s sympathy for the argument of Nikolay Chernyshevsky, that it should be possible to establish socialism in Russia without an intermediary bourgeois stage provided that the peasant commune were used as the basis for the transition. (17) By 1881, both Marx and Engels began to contemplate a course of development in Russia that would lead directly to the communist stage without the intervening bourgeois stage. (17) When the Russian revolutionaries assassinated Tsar Alexander II of Russia in 1881, Marx expressed the hope that the assassination foreshadowed ‘the formation of a Russian commune’. (18) In a letter to Vera Zasulich dated 8 March 1881, Marx contemplated the possibility of Russia’s bypassing the capitalist stage of development and building communism on the basis of the common ownership of land characteristic of the village mir. (18) This analysis was based on what Marx and Engels saw as the exceptional characteristics of the Russian village commune or obshchina. (17) Georgi Plekhanov was the first Russian Marxist, (14) Although he cast doubt on Marx’s theory, his reasoning was based on the first edition of Das Kapital (1867), which predated Marx’s interest in Russian peasant communes by two years. (17) Later editions of the text demonstrate Marx’s sympathy for the argument of Nikolay Chernyshevsky, that it should be possible to establish socialism in Russia without an intermediary bourgeois stage provided that the peasant commune were used as the basis for the transition. (17) In The Development of Russian Capitalism (1897–99) he noted the growing role of commercial capital19, in the exploitation of the workers in the factories and the peasants in the countryside. (14) He felt it possible to apply to Russia the ideas developed by Marx for Western Europe. (14) While admitting that Russia’s rural “commune is the fulcrum of social regeneration in Russia”, Marx also warned that in order for the mir to operate as a means for moving straight to the socialist stage without a preceding capitalist stage it “would first be necessary to eliminate the deleterious influences which are assailing it (the rural commune) from all sides”. (18) Given the elimination of these pernicious influences, Marx allowed that “normal conditions of spontaneous development” of the rural commune could exist. (18)

Engels and Lenin

October 1894 Engels moved to 41 Regent’s Park Road, Primrose Hill, NW1, where he died the following year, (17) His work was influential in inspiring later communists like (13,15) Vladimir (13) Lenin in their own revolutionary activities. (13,15) In 1893 he settled in St. Petersburg and became actively involved with the revolutionary workers. (14)

Engels Death

Engels died (1,2) after a prolonged battle with (12) throat (9,16) (laryngeal (17)) cancer (9,15) in London (4,9) on August 5th (2) 1895, (1,2) at the age of 74. (9) Following cremation at Woking, (16) at his request, (13) his ashes were scattered from Beachy Head close to Eastbourne. (13,16) He left Marx’s two surviving daughters a “significant portion” of his considerable estate (valued in 2011 at US $4.8 million). (18) Lenin approved of Engels, and wrote:

“After his friend Karl Marx (who died in 1883), Engels was the finest scholar and teacher of the modern proletariat in the whole civilised world…. In their scientific works, Marx and Engels were the first to explain that socialism is not the invention of dreamers, but the final aim and necessary result of the development of the productive forces in modern society. All recorded history hitherto has been a history of class struggle, of the succession of the rule and victory of certain social classes over others.” (17)

Appendix 2 FRESCIPLACT

FRESCI Analysis

Foreign and Military

Evils of Capitalism crossed boundaries in Europe and beyond – Imperialism; 1848 defeated militarily; Revolution brought about eventually by WW1; Engels Military service

Religion and Ideas

Passim; German philosophy, Adam Smith; opium of the masses; Young Hegelians; Hegel resolution by conflict. English liberal constitutionalism.

Economic and Financial

Passim; Primacy of economics; Control of means of production and exchange; Labour theory of Value; surplus value; Engels wealthy and financed Marx; Poverty caused by unemployment

Social/Cultural

Marriage for property; housing, sanitation etc bad.

Constitutional

Lack of Economic freedom nullifies political liberty; Revolution; withering away of the state;

Individual/Random

Champagne Socialist; Jenny von Westphalen; Escape from s Germany; safe houses; Mary Burns; Points of ViewApologists. Richards and Hunt mentions Marxism but not Marx!LanguageBourgeoisie, Proletariat, Alienation

Alternative Hypotheses

Many

Cause Consequence Comparison

‘Evils of Capitalism’; Famine, tyranny and mass murder; Other millenarian thinkers.

Time

Marx wrote before any government attempted to implement Marxist principles, and he did not therefore have to content with the ridicule and anger which has faced Marxists since 1990.

Appendix 3: Marx’s mother and the Philips Electronics Company

Her sister Sophie Pressburg (1797–1854) married Lion Philips (1794–1866) and was the grandmother of both Gerard and Anton Philips and great-grandmother to Frits Philips. (18) Lion Philips was a wealthy Dutch tobacco manufacturer and industrialist, upon whom Karl and Jenny Marx would later often come to rely for loans while they were exiled in London. (18)

INDEX:

Marx

Family background & childhood

Engels

Childhood

Marx Ethnicity and Religion

Marx Family conversion from Judaism

Marx at School 1830-35

Engels’ adolescence and education 1831-38

Engels’ Apprenticeship in Bremen 1838

Marx at University 1835-41

Bonn 1835

Berlin 1836

Hegelianism

Young Hegelians: the ‘Doctor Club’

Hegel’s influence on Marx

Engels Military Service in Berlin 1841-2

Hegel makes Engels an atheist

Engels converted to Communism

Other influences on Marx’s thought

Marx and Feuerbach

Marx and Determinism

Doctoral Thesis

Jena

Career choices blocked

And Jenny von Westphalen

Editor of Rheinische Zeitung in Cologne

Engels in England

Mary Burns

Marx’s Editorial Policy

Censorship

Marriage

Paris, 1843-1845

Franco German Annals 1844

Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right:

The Jewish Question

Engels

Engels’ contribution to ‘Marxism’

Surplus Value

The Condition of the Working Classes in England 1845

Marxist Racism

Forwards! 1844

Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts

Expelled from France 1845

Brussels 1845-7

Theses on Feuerbach, 1845

Visits England

The Holy Family, 1845

The German Ideology 1845-6

The Poverty of Philosophy 1847

The League of the Just a.k.a. the Union of Communists

The Communist Manifesto 1848

Origins

The document appears

In the 1848 Revolutions

Expelled from Belgium Early 1848

In France

In Germany

The Neue Rheinische Zeitung

Revolutionary activity

Paris 1849

Expelled from Belgium, 1849

London

Conditions of his life in England

Changing fortunes for the Communists in the 1850s

The Revolutionaries after 1848

Marx and the Communist League, 1850

And the Workers Educational Society 1850

Journalism

New York Daily Tribune, 1851-62

Other publications

Writing

The Class struggles in France 1850

The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, 1852

In the British Museum

Critique of Political Economy, 1859

And the Crimean War 1854-6

And Pan-Slavism

Engels’ Career 1863-7

Marx and Ireland

And Colonialism

And British India

And Algeria

Engels and Lizzie 1863

Activism: the First International, 1864

Early stages in Britain

St Martin’s Hall Meeting

The Inaugural Address

Council Member

Das Kapital, 1867

Composition and structure

Theme of Das Kapital

Benefits of Capitalism

Defects of Capitalism

The Revolution

The Dictatorship of the Proletariat

The Classless Society

The Decline of the First International 1870-76

And the Commune

After the Commune

And English moderates

And Bakunin

And the Gotha Programme

The End of the International 1876

Marx: Illness & Death 1876-1883

Engels: ‘Anti-Dühring’ 1878

Engels and Lizzie 1878

Health Problems

Later political activity

Final Years

Funeral

Posthumous

Engels speaks for Marx

Engels: The Origin of the Family 1884

Engels’ Later writing

Engels and William Morris

Engels, Marx and Russia

Engels and Lenin

Engels Death

Appendix 2 FRESCIPLACT

FRESCI Analysis

Foreign and Military

Religion and Ideas

Economic and Financial

Social/Cultural

Constitutional

Individual/Random

Points of View

Language

Alternative Hypotheses

Cause Consequence Comparison

Time

Appendix 3: Marx’s mother and the Philips Electronics Company

Categories Uncategorized
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